Sunday, February 13, 2011

Quantum Politics: New Methodological Perspective




Quantum Politics
New Methodological Perspective

Ali Asghar Kazemi[1]

Tehran- February 2011‎













Introduction
Recent events and escalating crises at the start of the year 2011 throughout the Arab states of the Middle East and ‎North Africa, from Tunisia and Egypt to South Yemen, have truly shocked observers, ‎researchers and ‎specialists who missed the symptoms of these fundamental shifts. ‎It appears that ‎traditional and existing theories have not been ‎able to predict the ‎development of  ‎unexpected changes in the region. This paper ‎is an attempt to ‎explain the matter through new methodological approach built on ‎chaos and ‎quantum theories.‎ ‎
If you are among those students of politics and international relations who are fed-up ‎‎‎with enormous numbers of theories, methods and paradigms in these fields, try to ‎‎‎understand this last one exposed in the present short essay. It may help you to view ‎‎and discuss political phenomenon in a different new way. Of course, the novelty of ‎‎this approach may make its comprehension a little bit difficult. Therefore, I don’t ‎‎guarantee that ‎you will swiftly grasp the subject and make a research case of it. It is ‎‎suggested that the interested reader go through the whole text and references with ‎‎attention and repeat the process if necessary.‎  

Paradigm Shifts in Politics
When we speak of “paradigm” we cannot skip over the name of Thomas Kuhn[2] who has made several important claims and contributions concerning the progress of knowledge.[3] The followings are the most notable that are relevant to our study in this paper:
First: Science undergoes periodic "paradigm shifts" instead of progressing in a linear and continuous way. Second: these paradigm shifts open up new approaches to understanding that scientists would never have considered valid before. And third: scientists can never divorce their subjective perspective from their work; thus, our comprehension of science can never rely on full "objectivity" - we must account for subjective perspectives as well.[4]
Traditionally, we understand political phenomena and international relations in terms of positivist approaches based upon Newtonian worldview, which is mechanistic and reflecting “systemic determinism” governed by eternal universal laws.[5] This is how we used to explain for instance the concept of “Balance of Power” and a host of other theories during the cold war. The post cold war period, and most particularly the unpredictability of the September 11 events, proved the methodological insufficiency and inadequacy of this approach.
In recent years many authors have questioned the wisdom of continuing to rely on the Newtonian philosophy to deal with the emerging problems in world affairs and domestic issues which no longer respond to the conventional epistemological and ontological views of the past. Reliance on mere cause and effect, two dimensional “space and time,” political determinism, structure, interaction, order, sovereignty and the like are not responsive to our present methodological requisites. [6]
Many attempts have been made to remedy this paucity in political inquiries and a number of post-positivist approaches have been devised to fill this gap.[7] From ontological perspective, we find those departing from objective  (mechanistic) to subjective (interpretive) approaches; and from epistemological point of view, we depart from mere description and explanation to “understanding” of the political phenomenon in its entirety. Thus, emerged what we now refer to as post-modern approaches that include hermeneutics, language and discourse analyses as well as all other methods relating to post-behavior and post-structural concepts.[8]
Despite all these endeavors, we still feel in an epistemic vacuum and are not sure about the explanatory and predictive capacity of our methods and approaches. This is what we refer to as uncertainty in politics that gravely impede our inquiries. Let’s see whether quantum theory has anything to offer to remedy this malaise.

Quantum Theory and Uncertainty in Politics‎
The unpredictability[9] nature of politics has made it fit to marry with quantum theory which by definition stands upon this characteristic. In recent years, “chaos and quantum theories” have attracted academics and scholars ‎as alternative research methodology across a wide range of social science discipline ‎including politics and international relations.
Most of us are real bothered with the idea of uncertainty and unpredictability in politics and are not satisfied with expert explanations about events and situations that have led to certain drastic changes in domestic and international realms. This has guided some thinkers who worry about the future to embrace the concept of “quantum theory.” ‎ By the same token, “Uncertainty Principle” is one of the most renowned concepts in the field of quantum theory formulated by Heisenberg.[10] The idea is that when we observe a phenomenon, our mere act of observation affects the condition of the observed “thing.” This idea somehow matches the postmodern theory of politics. The underlying common factors to this concept is what "Post-Modernism" proposes; that is, the conviction that all "truths" are subjective and relative and that there are no objective facts.
In this view, “there are no immutable natural laws to be discovered. Everything that ‎seems lawful is at best probabilistic, and perhaps fundamentally random.” In other words, anything ‎that seems to be immutable is merely a consequence of “the limited time horizon of humans and therefore, nothing can be predicted with certainty about the events that may happen in the future.‎‎ If we accept this argument and expand it to the field of social science and politics, we will eventually feel much easier in our attempts to make faulty predictions. 
While the concept of quantum theory goes back to early 20th century[11], its entry and application in social sciences and especially in politics is relatively new. Many modern political scientists   have claimed that they had thought of or used the concept one way or another in the course of their teaching or research.[12] However, not until some years ago, with the publication of an innovative book: Quantum Politics: Applying Quantum Theory to Political Phenomenon edited by Professor Theodore L. Becker, the subject became widely exposed to academic debates.[13]
According to Becker, “quantum physics provides the means for replacing 18th century political and economic philosophies with a new paradigm more consistent with our current understanding of physical reality.”  A number of political scientists have contributed to the elucidation of this subject. The main pivotal argument here is “that a Newtonian world view dominant in the past, can no longer explain political phenomena.” 
Newtonian theory is more attuned to classical and liberal democratic thinking and thereby to indirect, representative democracy. Quantum theory, on the other hand, is linked with participatory democratic thoughts, that is to say “a more direct and purer form of democracy.”[14]  The classical Newtonian worldview, is ‎rationalistic, mechanistic and predictive laying on the cause-and-effect, and assuming  ‎an objective real world which can be objectively observed and measured by a trained, neutral observer.‎ Whereas, “quantum politics is based on the unpredictable, contradictory nature of ‎human beings.” [15]
Most social and behavioral science theories developed since Newton say that these ‎assumptions are not the basis for understanding actual human behavior. Darwin and ‎Freud, to name two intellectual giants of the 19th Century, have quite different ‎paradigms which suggest how marginal indeed rationality, predictability, and ‎objectivity are in human decision making. But in the early 20th Century, quantum ‎physics seemed to go even farther.‎

Quantum Politics and Post-Modernism
In our ordinary reasoning and academic arguments we usually assume that men are ‎rational and act accordingly to increase their gains and lower their losses in their ‎interactions. Furthermore, it is assumed that in a democratic society, law and politics ‎incorporated in a legal system and the relevant political institutions are product of ‎collective wisdom that encourages good behavior of citizens and government ‎responsiveness and accountability. However, this view is challenged by critics even in ‎most democracies.  This also relates to assumptions underlying modern political ‎systems, people’s voting behavior, freedom of expression and other kinds of liberties ‎associated with citizen fundamental rights in society.‎
A critical introduction to the debate concerning the conceptual foundations of quantum mechanics and the problems it has posed for physicists and philosophers from Einstein to the present is reflected in a book by Christopher Norris: Quantum Theory and the Flight from Realism.[16]  According to Norris “Quantum theory has been a major influence on postmodernism, and presents significant challenges for realists.”[17] Clarifying these debates for the non-specialist, Norris examines the premises of orthodox quantum theory and its impact on various philosophical developments. “He subjects a wide range of opponents and supporters of realism to a high and equal level of scrutiny. Combining rigor and intellectual generosity, he draws out the merits and weaknesses from opposing arguments.”[18]
On the one side of quantum world view, there are some scientists who suggest “there is no real world, or at least no one real world;”[19] meaning that there may be many and perhaps an infinite worlds. In this contention, even if an objective real world exists, one cannot say anything with certainty about it at the micro level. Since, any attempt to observe or explain and quantify the observed world will disturb its condition. This is one important element of uncertainty about human observation of the universe because he is a part of it and not an independent observer.
Political scientist, Harold Lasswell,[20] who has studied almost everything new in political science before and after the Second World War, has also dealt with “the idea of policy sciences which is very compatible with a quantum perspective.” Pioneer positivist, Auguste Comte, who must be viewed as the father of the entire social physics perspective, also contributed to the explanation of the Positive philosophy and introduced the important relationship between theory, practice and human understanding of the world.  Comte’s emphasis on quantitative mathematical basis for decision-making remains with us even today. It is a foundation of the modern notion of positivism, modern quantitative statistical analysis, and business decision-making.[21]
The point here is that when politicians claim something as fact or truth, they are hiding some aspects of their actions or decision from the public. Since, there cannot be a concrete truth in the corner that one might put hand on it. But, in politics, you are permitted to build your own truth and sell it to the public either by convincing argument or through concealment. ‎Therefore, it is safe to suggest that in politics  ‎pretending to hold the truth,  is surely a sign of ‎weakness,  rather than an admission of the existence of human fallibility ‎and the lack of certainties in life.‎
Human fallibility is a fact of life and since politicians are human they too make mistakes like others. But the important question is to admit the fact and embrace the idea of uncertainty in politics and adopt the idea of ‎Quantum Politics. There is no reason to get excited when we disagree with each other. The solution is to discuss the ideas we disagree upon and be prepared to admit when we're ‎wrong.  This means that we must move away from the old dichotomy 'we're right and you're wrong' attitudes “towards the kind of Open ‎Society, discussed by Karl Popper[22]. We don't have to stick to the old models anymore.‎”

Quantum Politics and Chaos Theory
Students of international relations are more or less familiar with the notion of “anarchy,” which somehow represents the condition of “chaos” in a social or political environment. This in fact describes the dynamic nature of international system, composed of more than 200 independent nation-states that are sole arbiter of their decisions and actions. Anarchy is the condition of the “state of nature” or rule of jungle in which naked power and instinct for survival  are determinant factors. This means that chaos and anarchy are inseparable part of the global system.
I have called that condition the “critical order” in my last book: The End of Politics and the last Myth.[23] This represents the threshold of a fragile order in a system that can break down with the slightest unrestrained stimulus and cause the instability of the whole system in a chain reaction. We may explain this in term of the famous “Butterfly Effect”[24] in chaos theory.
From an academic point of view, chaos theory is a field of study in applied mathematics, with applications in several disciplines including physics, economics, biology, and philosophy. Chaos theory studies the behavior of dynamical systems that are highly sensitive to initial conditions; an effect which is popularly referred to as the butterfly effect. [25] Small differences in initial conditions (such as those due to rounding errors in numerical computation) yield widely diverging outcomes for chaotic systems, rendering long-term prediction impossible in general.
This happens even though these systems are deterministic, meaning that their future behavior is fully determined by their initial conditions, with no random elements involved. In other words, the deterministic nature of these systems does not make them predictable. This behavior is known as “deterministic chaos,” or simply chaos. Since the International System can be considered a nonlinear dynamic system, it is reasonable to take this theory into account for the study of the global order. [26]
The impact of Chaos theory on social science and politics relates to such concepts as class, race, gender, and ethnicity in society. This goes beyond existing paradigm, epistemology as well as the prevailing structural models and the underlying assumptions. Some scholars believe that chaos theory provide “a means of escaping structuralism's two signal flaws: it is inherently dynamic and time-sensitive and it permits a definition of social structural entities in such a way that if real, living, unique human beings vanished then the structures of society would also vanish.”[27]

Chaos Theory and the “Butterfly Effect”
One of the most interesting dimensions of chaos theory that can be applied in politics and international relations is the famous “butterfly effect.” The butterfly effect “is a metaphor that encapsulates the concept of sensitive dependence on initial conditions in chaos theory; namely, a small change at one place in a complex system can have large effects elsewhere.”[28]
In simple term, the concept refers to the idea that “a butterfly's wings might create tiny changes in the atmosphere that may ultimately alter the path of a tornado or delay, accelerate or even prevent the occurrence of a tornado in a certain location.”[29] The flapping wing represents a small change in the initial condition of the system, which causes a chain of events leading to large-scale alterations of events. This impact is like “domino effect”[30] in a series of events that successively create similar change in the subsystems of a large global system. Recent crises in North Africa and the Middle East could be cited as vivid example of this kind.[31]
Chaos theory can also provide an analytic paradigm which might allow us to see how providing a set of democratic laws to a totalitarian culture does not necessarily transform it into a democratic society. This explains the reverse effect of chaos in a resistant system non-sensitive to its environment, which usually represents closed as opposed to open societies.
We may apply the chaos theory to human behavior as well. The findings of a research confirm the universality of chaotic behavior within human interactions.[32] These findings “challenge some of the underlying assumptions on which work motivation theories are based, and suggest that chaos theory may offer useful and relevant information on how this process is managed within organizations.”[33]
The study further suggests that:  systems with chaotic dynamics share certain important features that can be categorized as follows:
  •  They show “aperiodicity,” meaning that they happen at irregular intervals. In other words,  they are systems whose dynamics or state of motion  never pass twice through the same path;
  •  The dynamic behavior of the system stays within a finite range of values, after which it is self-contained;
  • The dynamic is deterministic, that is, it is regulated by rules; and finally,
  •  The system shows sensitive dependence on initial conditions. In other words, a tiny difference at starting points, will give rise to very different evolutions of the system.[34]
As stated above, this last aspect is also known as the “butterfly effect” which deals with the notion of proportionality or lack of it at the initial stage and the final outcome. In other words, sometimes a small and almost imperceptible disruption in the initial condition of sub-systems is capable of generating significant changes in the behavior of a larger system.[35]
The concept of the butterfly effect is frequently referred to in popular culture in terms of the ‎novelty of a minor change in circumstances causing a large change in the outcome.   What the ‎butterfly effect seems to posit, is that the prediction of the behavior of any large system, (such as the global system) is ‎virtually impossible unless one could account for all tiny factors, which might have a minute ‎effect on all the sub-system. Thus large systems like international order remain impossible to predict because ‎there are too many unknown factors and variables that concurrently occur in a dynamic (non-linear) fashion impossible to take into account. ‎[36]
‎Conclusion
Political events and crises remain unpredictable and difficult to forestall. Conventional positivist and mechanistic approaches based upon Newtonian ‎worldview which reflects “systemic ‎determinism” governed by eternal universal laws, are no longer responsive to our inquiries.‎  Interpretive approaches in the post-modern period too, while confirm uncertainty in human behavior  and collective state conduct, lack sufficient clarity for prescriptive actions and predictions. ‎
Events that escalated into a full-blown revolution in Tunisia and proliferated to Egypt and other states, was merely due to a “butterfly effect” that got momentum after an unemployed graduate Tunisian citizen  sets ‎himself ablaze. Similar incidents often happen elsewhere without being exposed to public attention. But, this has instigated a tornado that pierced its course through North Africa and the Middle East with amazing impacts. The phenomenon surprised everybody, from experts to politicians and average people.
Characteristics of non-linear and spiral-exponential equations in situations with numerous variables in political sphere and international relations lead us to go beyond traditional methods influenced by post-Newtonian world view for satisfying explanations. Quantum theory might shed some light on the dynamic behavior of systems which make them difficult to predict. Quantum politics and chaos theory can better describe the fragile condition of authoritarian political institutions, governments and states’ interactions. The notion of butterfly effect tells us that a minor change in a dynamic system can cause a large change in the outcome. However, depending on the unpredictable circumstances, the same stimulus may produce no result, by the same token change the course or attenuate the force of a crisis.  Thus we cannot generalize the rule with certainty in other similar situations.
Potentially chaotic but deterministic systems in international relations, whose future behavior is not fully determined by their initial ‎conditions, have a tendency to perform in random fashion. In other words, the ‎deterministic nature of these systems does not make them ‎predictable. These are called “deterministic chaos.” If we consider International System as   a ‎nonlinear dynamic system, then we can reasonably argue that the global order is ruled by chaos theory.
As stated above, the impact of chaos theory relates to all aspects of politics and international relations in the global context. This ‎makes the underlying assumptions of existing paradigm, epistemology, as well as the prevailing ‎structural models outmoded. Whether we can build a convenient methodological tool on the basis of this new worldview depends on our effort to fully grasp and apply the post-Newtonian perspective in our academic inquiries. /



‎ [1] ‎ Ali Asghar Kazemi is Former Dean and currently Professor of Law and ‎International Relations at the ‎‎Faculty of Law and Political Science - Post-Graduate ‎Program, IAU, Science and Research ‎Branch. ‎‎Tehran- Iran.‎ Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of the French Naval Academy and The United States Naval Post-‎Graduate School, Monterrey Calif. He holds PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, ‎Medford, Mass. USA.‎

‎This paper is a follow-up of a previous essay by the author on “Dynamic versus Static Political ‎Inquiry” ‎‎which was written last January 2011. It is suggested that the two papers be read together ‎for better ‎‎understanding the subject.‎ See: Academia www.academia1.blogspot.com   ‎
[2] Thomas Samuel Kuhn; July 18, 1922 – June 17, ‎‎1996 was an American physicist who wrote extensively on the history of science and ‎developed several important notions in the sociology and philosophy of science.‎

[3] See e.g.: Kuhn, T.S. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962.  Kuhn's work has been extensively used in social science; for instance, in the post-positivist/positivist debate within International Relations.

[4]  The Structure of Scientific Revolutions was originally printed as an article in the International ‎Encyclopedia of Unified Science, published by the logical positivists of the Vienna Circle. In this book, ‎Kuhn argued that science does not progress via a linear accumulation of new knowledge, but undergoes ‎periodic revolutions, also called "paradigm shifts" (although he did not coin the phrase), in which the ‎nature of scientific inquiry within a particular field is abruptly transformed.‎ Taken from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

 [5]  Cf. Dimitrios E. Akrivoulis ‎, The ‘Quantum Politics’ Metaphor in International Relations: ‎Towards a Hermeneutics of Political Metaphoricity ‎ Paper presented at the 57th Political Studies Association Annual Conference ‎University of Bath, UK, 11-13 April 2007‎

[6] Cf. Ibid. See also Walker, R.B.J. (1991) “State Sovereignty and the Articulation of Political ‎Space/Time”, Millennium, Vol. 20, No. 3, pp. 445-461. ‎See also e.g.: DeTombe, Dorien J. & C. van Dijkum  (Editors) Analyzing Complex Societal Problems: a methodological approach, Munich; Mering; Hampp, 1996 .‎

[7] See e.g. my paper: Ali Asghar Kazemi, “‎Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry” in The  Middle East Academic Forum. www.aakazemi.blogspot.com January 2011.
  ‎
[8] Many contemporary philosophers and scholars have contributed to this development among whom the names of  Heidegger, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, Bachelard, Foucault and  Riceour ‎ are most cited in academic milieu.

[9]  Unpredictability may be based on incomplete data or on non-linear feedback loops which is the case of chaos theory. "A process that is unpredictable is undetermined in terms of time and other variables that determine the state of a process. Cited in: DeTombe, Dorien J. & C. van Dijkum ,Analyzing Complex Societal Problems: a methodological approach, 1996.
[10] The  Heisenberg uncertainty principle, a quantum physics concept which is commonly (yet inaccurately) used to refer to the fact that in the Copenhagen Interpretation model of quantum mechanical behavior, observers affect what they are observing, by the mere act of observing it alone (this is actually the observer effect, and is commonly confused with the Heisenberg uncertainty principle).  In quantum mechanics, the Heisenberg uncertainty principle states by precise inequalities that certain pairs of physical properties, such as position and momentum, cannot be simultaneously known to arbitrarily high precision. That is, the more precisely one property is measured, the less precisely the other can be measured. See : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heisenbug#Heisenbug  See also: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncertainty_principle

[11] Quantum theory evolved as a new branch of theoretical physics during the first few decades of the 20th century in ‎an endeavor to understand the fundamental properties of matter. It began with the study of the interactions of ‎matter and radiation. In contrast to Einstein's Relativity, which is about the largest things in the universe, quantum ‎theory deals with the tiniest things we know, the particles that atoms are made of, which we call "subatomic" ‎particles. In contrast to Relativity, quantum theory was not the work of one individual, but the collaborative effort of ‎some of the most brilliant physicists of the 20th century, among them Niels Bohr, Erwin Schrödinger, Wolfgang Pauli, ‎and Max Born. Two names clearly stand out: Max Planck (1858-1947) and Werner Heisenberg (1901-1976). Planck ‎is recognized as the originator of the quantum theory, while Heisenberg formulated one of the most eminent laws ‎of quantum theory, the Uncertainty Principle, which is occasionally also referred to as the principle of ‎indeterminacy.‎See Wikipedia under the subject of “Quantum Theory.”

[12] I used the concept in my early manuscript in the last chapter of a book on Method and Insight in Politics in late 1980’s when I was dealing with new emerging methods and approach in political science. See Ali Asghar Kazemi, Method and Insight in Politics, (A Philosophical, Scientific and Methodological Approach), Tehran: Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS), 1995. Chapter 11, p. 282.( In Persian)

[13] One reviewer of the book has described it in the following manner:”I am confident that this volume will mark a turning point in political theory, political ‎design, and eventually political practice. It definitely should be on the assigned ‎reading list of every student of politics, and every political activist. I don't expect many ‎current politicians to read it, although they certain should, but I do expect it to be a ‎kind of Bible for future political generations.‎” Reviewed by Jim Dator

[14]   Theodore L. Becker, ed.‎ Applying Quantum Theory to Political Phenomenon   New York; Westport, Connecticut; London: Praeger, 1991. 232 pages, plus 16 page ‎preface
 
[15] The standard explanation of what takes place at the quantum level is known as the Copenhagen Interpretation. This ‎is because much of the pioneering work was carried out by the Danish physicist  Niels Bohr, who worked in ‎Copenhagen. Quantum theory attempts to describe the behavior of very small objects, generally speaking the size ‎of atoms or smaller, in much the same way as relativity describes the laws of larger everyday objects. We find it ‎necessary to have two sets of rules because particles do not behave in the same way as larger everyday objects, ‎such as billiard balls. We can, for example, say precisely where a billiard ball is, what it is doing, and what it is about ‎to do. The same cannot be said for particles. They are, quite literally, a law unto themselves, and why this should be ‎so is a source of much debate.‎
[16]  Christopher Norris, Quantum Theory and the Flight from Realism: Philosophical Responses to Quantum Mechanics (Critical Realism) (London: Routledge, 2000) [Paperback]. Prof. Norris is Distinguished Research Professor in Philosophy at Cardiff University. He is one of the world's leading scholars on deconstruction, and the work of Jacques Derrida. This book is a valuable source for those who are interested in the debate concerning the conceptual foundations of quantum mechanics and clarifies the problems it has raised for physicists and philosophers. In a sequence of closely argued chapters, Norris examines the premises of orthodox quantum theory, as developed most influentially by Bohr and Heisenberg, and its impact on various philosophical developments.
[17] Ibid
[18] Norris, Ibid.
[19] To them, there may be many worlds or may be infinite worlds. Becker, ibid.

[20] Harold Dwight Lasswell (February 13, 1902 — December 18, 1978) was a leading American political scientist and communications theorist. He was a member of the Chicago school of sociology and was a professor at Yale University in law. He was a President of the American Political Science Association (APSA) and World Academy of Art and Science (WAAS).See:   http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harold_Lasswell

[21] Isidore Auguste Marie François Xavier Comte (19 January 1798 – 5 September 1857), better known as Auguste Comte. He was a French philosopher, a founder of the discipline of sociology and of the doctrine of positivism. He may be regarded as the first philosopher of science in the modern sense of the term. Strongly influenced by the Utopian socialist Henri de Saint-Simon, Comte developed the positive philosophy in an attempt to remedy the social malaise of the French revolution, calling for a new social paradigm based on the sciences. See : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Auguste_Comte 

[22] Sir Karl Raimund Popper,  (28 July 1902 – 17 September 1994) was an Austro-British philosopher and a professor at the London School of Economics. He is regarded as one of the greatest philosophers of science of the 20th century; he also wrote extensively on social and political philosophy. Popper is known for his attempt to repudiate the classical observationalist / inductivist account of scientific method by advancing empirical falsification instead; for his opposition to the classical justificationist account of knowledge which he replaced with critical rationalism, "the first non justificational philosophy of criticism in the history of philosophy";  and for his vigorous defense of liberal democracy and the principles of social criticism that he came to believe made a flourishing "open society" possible.
[23] See: Ali Asghar Kazemi, The End of Politics and the Last Myth: Critical Order in the Post-Political 21st Century. Tehran: Ghoomes Publishing Co. 2001. ( In Persian)
[24]  See below for an explanation of the Butterfly Effect.
[25] See Wikipedia, also see: Smith, R. D. (1998) “Social Structures and Chaos Theory” in‎Sociological Research Online, vol. 3, no. 1, ‎‎
[26] ‎Mostly from Wikipedia under the title of “Chaos Theory.”
[27] Smith, Op.cit.
[29] Ibid
[30] Comparing this effect to the domino effect is slightly misleading. There is dependence on the initial sensitivity, but whereas a simple linear row of dominoes would cause one event to initiate another similar one, the butterfly effect amplifies the condition upon each interaction.

[31] This is for example like the crisis that happened in Tunisia at the beginning of the year 2011 and very quickly proliferated in Egypt and other countries of the Middle East and North Africa. See my trilogy articles on the subject in The Middle Eat Academic Forum
1.     “Crisis Proliferation in the Middle East”
2.     “Tunisia Crisis Turned into a Revolution”
3.     “Tunisia Crisis: A Call for Change in the Middle East”
[32]  See e.g. : José Navarro, and Carlos Arrieta, “Chaos in Human Behavior: The Case of Work Motivation. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, Vol. 13 No. 1

[33] Ibid
[34] Cf.  Ibid
[35]  Cf. idem
[36]  In human behavior, one can certainly see how small changes could render behavior, or another complex system, extremely unpredictable. Small actions or experiences stored in the unconscious mind, could certainly affect a person’s behavior in unexpected ways.

Thursday, January 27, 2011

Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry

(First draft please do not quote)

Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry

Ali Asghar Kazemi                                                                      
January 2011 
______________________ 

Introduction
From a methodological perspective, political science borrows diverse methods and approaches applied in social science research. Amongst these positivism, behavioral, structuralism, realism, institutionalism, rational choice theory, pluralism, interpretivism and critical theory are most familiar for students of the field. Post-modern movement and thinking have influenced these approaches considerably and have changed both the form and substance of political inquiries. Constructivism, hermeneutics, discourse analysis etc are the outgrowth of this wave.
Demand for relevance and functionality has also introduced many new qualitative and quantitative aspects and tools in this field. Statistical analyses, model building, simulation and case studies are among the very interesting and useful methods that have come to the assistance of political analysts and researchers.
The main purpose of this paper is to focus on new approaches and to show that whatever method researchers in political science and international relations choose for their inquiries they should be oriented towards dynamic rather than static conditions. In other words, in order to enhance the reliability of researches and applicability of their findings and outcome, we have to examine situations, conditions and alternative decisions in their process of changing occurrence and formation.
What do we mean by a static versus dynamic research? What are the attributes and benefits of this approach in political inquiries and decision making process?

Dynamic Research Technique
According to August Comte[1], social dynamics studies the laws of succession, ‎while social statics seeks those of coexistence. In other words, the former furnishes ‎the theory of progress, the latter of order.  All ‎considerations of structure and function are static. That is to say, quantitative change is static. In dynamic phenomena the change is ‎qualitative. Thus, social static focuses on how to maintain order in society and social dynamic focuses on how society changes over time.
In an article in American Journal of Sociology  the distinction  between the notions ‎‎"static" and "dynamic" is considered  “logical, ‎methodological and pedagogical.” [2]‎ ‎ In ‎other words, they are primarily and ‎chiefly subjective rather than objective. “They are ‎categories imposed ‎upon the object by the mind which attempts to represent the ‎object. They are aspects of the object, not ‎independently existing objects. They are ‎machinery for handling in ‎details the things to be understood in their totality.”‎ [3]‎ ‎
For our purpose, a static research is alike a still picture showing the apparent characteristic of a situation or incident from a certain angle, in a determined time and a defined context. A dynamic study or inquiry tries to examine a case in the process of its development through time and space as a motion picture.
For example, when we refer to a geo-strategic region such as the Persian Gulf, one may list a number of factors, variables, parameters and determinants that portray and explain the attributes of an important area for global security and order. But, only when these factors and variables are put into motion we can realize the true meaning of security. In other words, since security means differently to each actor, we ought to know about its conduct in different conditions and circumstances and find out the threshold of its rationality, actions and reactions in crises or emergency situations.
This requires dynamic examination of various eventualities and conditions that my occur in a vital geostrategic region and the relevant decision alternatives for each scenario. These scenarios range from the “best optimistic” to the “worst case” each of which needs a separate analysis in a dynamic situation.
We may refer to general system theory[4] in order to explain how observable events or phenomenon can be studied in a constant dynamic interaction as parts of a larger system which by definition has a continuous tendency for stability. This can be applied to all branches of science, including natural, social and political studies.
As an aspect of systems theory, system dynamics[5] is a method for understanding the dynamic behavior of complex systems. The basis of the method is the recognition that the structure of any system is often just as important in determining its behavior as the individual components themselves. Examples are “chaos” theory and “social dynamics.” In some cases the behavior of the whole cannot be explained in terms of the behavior of the parts. This explains the integration of tools, like language, as a more sparing process in the human application of easiest path adaptability through interconnected systems.[6]


Dynamic Programming and Game Theory
In the management field and operational research we use dynamic programming by mathematical techniques when we face a series of interrelated problems that require “sequential decisions”[7] and solutions. “Dynamic programming is an approach involving the optimization of multistage decision processes.” [8] The optimality principle here means that a given problem or situation is divided into stages of “sub-problems” which have to be solved sequentially and then aggregated to a final optimal policy after a thorough examination and cost-benefit analysis.
In international relations, when there are a number of actors with different interests and strategies competing or conflicting with other, we use “game theory” in order to reach an acceptable solution to all. For this purpose, we try to optimize each actor’s gain and loss in putting into motion their various courses of action by solving a numerical problem set-up in a matrix.[9]
In game theory, while there is always a conflict of interests between participant actors, rationality in decision options is the foundation of the game. In other words, if there is to be a solution, the outcome of game should be derived from a rational choice of each player who tries to maximize his gains and minimize his losses. In this approach, depending on the types of the games (zero-sum or non-zero-sum) the optimum strategy is the one that satisfies all participants. Otherwise, the game would either go to stalemate or has to be continued until the time it has a satisfactory solution.[10]
This process can apply to strategic regions with multiple actors seeking contradictory objectives. It allows to each independent player to divide a major security problem into a number of manageable sub-problems and arrange them according to their strategic values and find suitable solutions for each.

Dynamic Crisis Decision
There are other studies in the field of crisis decisions that distinguish between dynamic and static approaches. One such study is published in American Political Science Review.[11] This article argues that heuristic-based cognitive models [or dynamic approach based on trial and error rather than set of rules] on the one hand, and holistic rational theories [based on static set of rules], on the other, have always created debates regarding ‎decision making or choice which is at the crux of social science research.
According to the study, some scholars argue that decision makers use ‎maximizing holistic strategies, based upon a particular predetermined static rule. Others claim that  for volatile crisis situation with high perceived risks and threats,  non-holistic (or dynamic) approach should be employed.‎ Since, in the process of handling a crisis situation there is always a probability that the course of events changes direction and magnitude. Thus, a static predetermined set of rules may prove irrelevant to the new condition.
Relying on   past studies that typically examine "static" situations, may end up to erroneous outcomes; especially when “policy alternatives and ‎decision criteria are simultaneously introduced into the decision matrix.”[12] However, foreign policy crises ‎are very often characterized by a different decision structure: an evolving choice set in which ‎policy options emerge during the process.‎ In other words, a dynamic approach to the decision leads to the cross-examination of each alternative in the course of the development of a crisis situation.

Dynamic Political Ideology
Some analysts have tried to study the functional and practical aspects of ideology and culture in the field of political science. They distinguished between dynamic and static character of these two major components in political realm. In their static conditions, political ideologies and political cultures are simply two variables to be considered in political inquiries. But, when they are put into motion they can produce significant results for the society. Since, they ‎shape the way a nation thinks and, accordingly, acts. It is generally believed that “Political Ideology is dynamic and ‎political culture is static.”[13] 
Political ideology relates to a certain set of ideals or principles dealing with a nation, or even a group, ‎that explains how society should work.[14] A political ideology largely concerns itself with how to ‎allocate power and to what ends it should be used. It is often seen as the background of a ‎political party and their policy. On the other hand, political culture, in simple terms, is what most citizens expect ‎from their government.[15]
Political culture is usually determined by the government, which is why it is ‎considered static; however, political ideology is dynamic because it is usually determined by the ‎people.‎[16] In some instances however, the reverse of this proposition may prove true. This may be the case where the state ideology runs against the will of the people and their traditional culture. In this example political ideology promoted by the government becomes static or even retroactive and culture plays a dynamic role in shaping a nation identity and political configuration.
The functional benefit of this distinction lies in the overall influence of these two determinants on state behavior in political realm and people consciousness with respect to their national identity. Most social and political conflicts between people and the ruling system stem from this dichotomy.

Conclusion
Political science is essentially the study of man in isolation and in collectivity. Governments and institutions are just parts of human activities that facilitate orderly interactions in the social environment. To inquire into and understand men’s behavior in their political milieu we have multiple methods, tools and approaches. No unique technique or approach can logically claim to perform this whole task.[17]
A pioneer of modern political science, describing this difficulty, once said "We are limited by the impossibility of experiment. Politics is an observational, not an experimental science."[18] Thus, political scientists have historically focused on political elites, institutions, and individual or group and observed their behavior in order to identify patterns, draw generalizations in order to build theories and models for better explaining the political environment. However, after many centuries of political inquiries we are still far from being able to declare success in our endeavor. There are many reasons to support this argument. Permanent quarrels, conflicts, crises and wars among peoples and nations are good indications for this contention.
In spite of all the difficulties and complexities involved in this field, contemporary political science has developed to a great extent by adopting a variety of methods and theoretical approaches for better explaining and understanding politics. Our purpose in this short paper was to shed light on the dynamic aspect of political inquiry and methodology which in practice provides better ground for devising a policy decision rather than an abstract idea.[19]/


Notes

*  Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations at IAU, Science and Research Branch. Faculty of Law and Political Science. Tehran- Iran.

[1] French thinker and philosopher  1798- 1857 founder of sociology and  positivism.
[2] Albion W. Small. "Static and Dynamic Sociology." American Journal of Sociology, 1 ‎‎(1895): 195-209.‎This article is a critical review of Lester F. Ward American sociologist 1841-1913.
[3] Ibid
[4] Bertalanffy, Ludwig Von. Perspectives on General System Theory Edited by Edgar Taschdjian. George Braziller, New York. (1974).
[5] System Dynamics was founded in the late 1950s by Jay W. Forrester of the MIT Sloan School of Management.
[6] This passage is taken from : “Systems theory ,” Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
[7]  See e.g. C R  Kothari, An Introduction to Operational Research, New Delhi, Wikas Publishing House Pvt Ltd. 1983. pp. 116-120.  See also: Richard E. Bellman, Dynamic Programming, p.83
[8] Ibid
[9] See Ali Asghar Kazemi, Politimetrics: Quantitative Methods in Politics and International Relations, Tehran: IPIS. 1995. In Persian ‎

[10] I have deliberately simplified the subject of “game theory” here in order to make my point with respect to the dynamic approach to research technique. For further reading see relevant materials  on the subject.

[11] Mintz, Alex; Geva, Nehemia; Redd, Steven B.; Carnes, “ The effect of dynamic and static choice sets on political decision making: an analysis ‎using the decision board platform.‎ American Political Science Review ,‎ September 1, 1997‎.
 ‎
[12] Idem
[13] Political Ideology and Political Culture Uploaded by Nivizzle (54) on May 16, 2007.
This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington ‎Hills, Michigan.   ‎  ‎
[14] Ibid
[15] Idem
[16]  In some places where the political ideology is dominant and determined by the government, it could become static; and conversely, political culture becomes dynamic.
[17]   See e.g. Ali Asghar Kazemi, Method and Insight in Politics, (A Philosophical, Scientific and Methodological Approach) , Tehran: Institute for Political and International Studies(IPIS), 1995. In Persian ‎  
 See also: Ali Asghar Kazemi, The Seven Pillars of Politics, Tehran: Islamcpo Publishing Co. 2000. In Persian
[18]  Lowell, A. Lawrence. 1910. "The Physiology of Politics." American Political Science Review 4: 1-15. Former American Political Science Association President.‎

[19] In the course of writing this paper I have consulted many useful political science handbooks and internet sources, including Wikipedia, for which I have not necessarily given reference. The clever reader can understand the reasons for this deliberate omission that could otherwise need many pages.

Tuesday, November 10, 2009

Towards "Secular Nationalism" in Iran

Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran

Ali Asghar Kazemi
November 2009
_______________________

While nationalism in the Moslem world is commonly considered as an alien ideology imported from the West, Persian nationalism has been emerged from a religious ground. Shi’ism is an outgrowth of this phenomenon that distinguishes Iranian from other Arab and non-Arab Moslems in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world.

Up until the advent of the Islamic regime in Iran, national consciousness has been with Iranians parallel to their religious traditions. In other words, religious nationalism formed an inherent trait of the Persian identity for a long period of time[1]. This feature helped Iranians to consolidate, fight against their enemies and secure the country from disintegration and collapse. However, this trend has changed its course during the past several years. A new generation of Iranian intellectuals, academics and educated people is gradually moving away from the political Islam and traditional religious values toward a more universal and secular approach to various issues of society and the nation.

The progressive “Green Movement,” that emerged amidst the controversial presidential elections of June 2009, can be considered as the social and political manifestations of this new tendency. Upon a series of bloody clashes with the regime during the post-elections turmoil of June 2009, the movement has turned to radical and secular nationalistic slogans that aim at the very foundation of the religious system.

What is the substance of this new nationalistic awareness? How far this movement is capable to pressure the regime for fundamental changes? What are the implications of changes for the domestic and foreign affairs of the nation?

Islam and Nationalism
Nationalism has essentially a secular nature that originated from European civilizations. When it reached the Middle East it brought some fruits but it did cause serious dislocation to Moslem societies and produced serious challenge to traditional Islam.
With the gradual disappearance of Western colonialism from Asia and Africa, the struggle for self-determination and political independence led the Islamic communities to adopt nationalism as their liberating ideology. Thus, the quest for sovereignty and statehood created a sense of political nationalism that inevitably diverted and diluted the consciousness of belonging to the wider Islamic community (ummat.)

The relationship between nationalism and Islam is not always clear and various writers at different times and occasions have given different thought and explanation to it. As a matter of principle, Islamic doctrine adheres with the idea of “internationalism” and thus, theoretically, it should oppose such ideology. Some Moslem scholars have condemned nationalism as a regressive move to pre-Islamic tribalism.[2] Others have supported nationalism as long as it has its source and driving force in Islam. In some instances, nationalism in Moslem countries has attained the status of sacredness. In this kind of nationalism, protecting the nation from foreign aggression is considered as a “religious duty,” because only in a free and independent nation can there be a “religious self-respect.”[3]

Islam’s internationalism, along with its spiritual and political unity, stem from its pure monotheism. Thus, the kind of nationalism that emerged from secular and material interests is principally repudiated by Islamic doctrine. In this conception, nationalism without religion is inconceivable in Islam, since it is loyalty to the nation whose gate is religion.

Persian Nationalism
As we said previously, Persian nationalism expressed and articulated through the adoption of the Shiite doctrine fundamentally distinguishes Iranian Moslems from the other creeds in the broad spectrum of the religion of Islam. It has served as a strong unifying force against Persian enemies and rivals in the past centuries. But, with the ascendance into power of the clergies after the 1979 revolution in Iran, the political thrust of the religion gradually diminished and people became dismayed of the poor performance of politico-religious institutions.

As regards the evolution of nationalism, Shiite doctrine shall be viewed in two historical periods: before and after the 1979 revolution in Iran. The trend of nationalism in pre-revolution Iran is more or less similar to other movements in the region; in the sense that it was basically guided by a sense of self-determination, sovereignty and independence within the context of secular political system. The impact of Shi’ism has been considerable during the constitutional revolution of 1907. The later development of nationalist sentiment in Iran after World War II was also the product of secular intellectualism, whose effectiveness as a political force was marred by the lack of support from the religious sector.[4]

The Shiite fundamentalism that gradually took over Iran’s revolution of 1979 is considered analogous to the French Jacobin nationalism. In fact, the pattern of interaction and the trend Iran’s revolution resembles in many aspect to the French revolution of 1789. Five distinct phases can be observed in both historic events:1)The collapse of the “ancien regime” ; 2) the rule of the moderates; 3) The ascendency of the extremists; 4) The reign of terror; and finally 5) The “Thermidorian” period.[5]

The nationalist image of Iran’s revolution, manifested in form of the Shiite fundamentalism, bears many signs of the French Jacobin nationalism. In both cases they developed in the midst of foreign war and domestic turmoil. The main characteristics of this development can be observed in the following common features:

First, they became utterly suspicious and fiercely intolerant of domestic dissents. Thus, they made every effort to annihilate any group or faction which appeared to be lacking in faith and loyalty to the homeland “ la patrie” and “Vatan-e- Eslami.” They both fought vigorously any tendency toward partition and provincial autonomy.
Secondly: both revolutions relied heavily on force and militarism to attain their ends. They did not hesitate to use terror and violence to intimidate and cope against domestic dissenters. [6] As to foreign enemies, the whole nation and all the resources were set in motion. The Islamic devotees seeking martyrdom in war against the infidel regime of Baathist Iraq are example of nationalist manifestation under the banner of religion.
Thirdly: both movements have become fanatically religious. Finally, the common characteristics of the two nationalist movements lied upon their excessive missionary zeal. They both used every conceivable means to secure popular conformity.[7] This later trait pushed people away from strict religious norms to more tolerant secular values.

Secular Nationalism
With a view to make the traditional Islam more responsive to the needs of the present modern society, a number of progressive attempts have been initiated by Iranian elites, intellectuals and reformist during the past decade. They were all Moslem zealous who developed and lived within the religious system established after the revolution. Some of them even came from radical students followers of the late founder of the Islamic regime in Iran, who jumped over the walls of the US Embassy in Tehran in 1979 and participated in the hostage taking American diplomats for 444 days.

The coming into power of the hard-line government in 2005 and its reelection in June 2009 was a serious blow to reformist groups’ ideals paving the path for the resurgence of a strong opposition front which later became known as the “Green Movement.” Thereafter, the green color which was merely the identity sign for one candidate became the emblem of a movement which is now standing as a challenging opposition front with new goals confronting the incumbent regime.

Thirty years after the revolution in Iran, people now seem to be changing their views and values in a direction opposite to that pursued and advocated by the Islamic regime. Despite earnest effort by the system to Islamize the nation, people sense of nationalism is being diverted towards secular values more attune with Western liberal democracy. This is indeed a major setback for hardliners who seek to enforce their backward interpretation of Islam for the whole nation. Their main objective is to dominate public and private life of the people.
As we said earlier, the new nationalistic movement in Iran stems from a different environment that is dissimilar from the past. We may attempt to recognize characteristics of the new movement in the following way[8]:

1) It is primarily a reaction against an ideology that has become unbearable for many even among religious figures;
2) It is an antithesis of a political system that came into power in a very particular point of time and circumstances that is no longer responsive to the actual expectations of the people;
3) It is a self-propelled movement with no official platform and has no particular leadership inside or outside Iran;
4) It is a “positive nationalism,” meaning that it is not against the current trend of the international society but it strongly objects the existing domestic divergence from that trend and wants to rehabilitate the true Iranian identity and status in the present world;
5) It is omnipresent and it uses all old patriotic and revolutionary slogans of the past as a tactical challenge against the ruling system;
6) It is a secular, forward-looking and peace-loving movement that denies all sorts of segregation, subjugation, arms races and interventions in the internal affairs of other countries and wants to live in peace with all people and nations.
*

Although the traditional Persian nationalism has a tendency to be dormant in quiet times, the new emerging secular consciousness tends to be dynamic and alert to the critical condition of present Iran. Persian nationalism which, was once associated with religious faith as a driving force in the fulfillment of national and political aspirations, is now awakening in a new environment. They still stem from the same main source that is people with their faith and loyalty. But, it appears that the substance of the devotion is being transformed to secular values.
While Persian nationalism transpired from a religious premise in the past, it is now changing its course to secular values of the modern society. What we are witnessing now in Iran is a profound metamorphosis in people’s expectations and demands. Though the supporters of the “Green Movement” occasional and sporadic manifestation might be perceived as typical urban unrest with low level violence, its persistent dynamism during the past months infers the thrust of a real deep revolution[9]. The ramification of this transformation is not yet quite clear; nonetheless the impact is inevitable for present Iran. [10]/

__________
Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran, Iran. See: www.aakazemi.blogspot.com
* Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.

_Notes
____________
[1] This dates back to about five centuries ago, during the Safavid dynasty when the Persian king (shah) conceived Shiism as Iran's official religion, largely to distinguish themselves from Ottoman Turks and Arabs. Shiism is Iranian or” Iranianized” Islam. Its very existence signifies the irrepressibility of Iranian nationalism. See: Hooshang Amirahmadi, From political Islam to Secular Nationalism Iranian Archives 1995- 2006

[2] This is the view expressed by Muhammad al-Ghazali. Cf. E.I.J. Rosenthal, Islam in the Modern National State, London; Cambridge Univ. Press, 1965. Pp.109-110

[3] See; Richard P. Mitchell, The Society of Muslem Brothers , London; Oxford Univ. Press, 1969 . p. 264.

[4] -Iran’s national Front ( Jebheye Melli) came into existence as a coalition of political groupings revolving around Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh. It began to fragment and ultimately collapsed with the approach of the showdown between the prime minister and the Shah of Iran in 1953.

[5] Cf. Hosein Bashiriyeh, The State and Revolution in Iran 1962-1982 ( Beckenham Kent : Croom Helm, 1984), passim

[6] . The same is true about those who one way or another turned back to the regime, including the entourage of the spiritual leader who accompanied him in his journey from Paris to Tehran. Almost all of them were either executed, jailed, exiled or isolated from political activities.

[7] Cf. Carlton J. H. Hayes, “ Five types of Nationalism,” in Ivo D. Duchacek Conflict and Cooperation Among Nations, New York: Holt,Reinhart and Winston, Inc., 1960, pp. 44-51

[8] I have taken these characteristics from my earlier article “ Rise of New Nationalism in Iran” See: Strategic Discourse, October 2009.

[9] Some people prefer to call the phenomenon a “velvet revolution,” referring to the experience of colored movements in Georgia and Ukraine, but the comparison seems irrelevant in the case of Iran.

10 For more sources on the subject see:
Christoph Marcinkowski "Islam and Nationalism in Iran", Iranian nationalism is to remain a driving force behind Iran’s foreign policy. Security Watch Policy Briefs Special Report, Oct. 2006
- Naser Ghobadzadeh Value Changes in Iran (Second Decade of the Islamic Revolution)
Discourse: An Iranian Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 77-108, Fall 2004
- Jonathan Manthorpe, "The roots of radical Islam Meddling by western powers fueled the radicalization of Middle East", The Vancouver Sun 27 September 2001