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2012-12-31T01:05:00.000-08:00

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Ali Asghar Kazemi

Reflection on Time, Space and Being...

Les dimensions ontologiques des droits de l'homme

The Ontological Dimensions of Human Rights

Politics of Witchcraft and Power Struggle in Iran

Metaphysics of Violence and Terror

Quantum Politics: New Methodological Perspective

Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry

* * *

Towards "Secular Nationalism" in Iran

Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization

Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis

Iran:Reform vs. Revolution

The Global Context of Knowledge

* * *

Politics and Hypocrisy (2)

Politics and Hypocrisy

Cahier poetique

* * *

The Weird Child of Democracy

Strategic Implications of WMD Proliferation

Religion, Peace and War: The Belligerent Islam

* * *

The Guardian State (3)

The Guardian State (2)

The Rise of the Guardian State (1)

* * *

The Persian Paradox and the West

The End of Politics and the Last Myth

Iran-U.S. Nuclear Wrangle...

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For more papers see : Middle East Academic Forum

cerebral palsy

Reflection on Time, Space and Being...

2011-07-06T00:57:00.000-07:00

Reflection on Time, Space and Being in a New Context

Ali Asghar Kazemi*

June, 2011

Tehran

____________

Contents

Forewords

A Time for Reflection

Basic Concepts

1. The Notion of Time

2. The Realm of Space

3. The Nature of Being

Changes in the Context

1. Being and Virtual Reality

2. Rise of Universal Man

3. Lost in Cyber- Space

Final Remarks

Bibliography

Further Readings

Forewords

The extraordinary marvel of the new information technology has provided opportunity for all to plunge into the sea of knowledge for doing rigorous research or simply satisfying one’s intellectual curiosity in a particular field. This revolution has indeed changed all dimensions of our life and has given us the capacity and chance to tackle with all matters and questions of our interest.

With a bit of skill in computer and internet, it is now possible to have access to an immense amount of information concerning every conceivable fields of knowledge in the world. The problem for students in doing researches now is no longer the accessibility to the sources and literature but the selection of proper data and materials to verify or validate a proposition or hypothesis. This is indeed a real revolution that only past academic generations can fully appreciate.

This essay is the product of a simple curiosity and conjecture about man’s fate on earth in the light of extraordinary changes in knowledge and information technology. The emphasis here is on three important concepts of time, space and being facing such drastic unexpected transformation. I hope this will encourage other interested students of social sciences to ponder upon similar topics.

A Time for Reflection

While not very many people are interested in theoretical matters, there are some important issues in our daily life that have ontological character that require philosophical reflection.

For example, few ideas have penetrated the human consciousness as profoundly as that of time, space and being. The idea of time and space has occupied human thought for thousands of years. These things at first sight seem simple and easy to grasp, because they are close to everyday experience. Everything exists in time and space, so they appear as familiar conceptions. However, what is familiar is not necessarily understood. On closer examination, time and space are not so easily grasped. [1]

By the same token, being and existence, in the words of Heidegger is not definable by a "what", like a simple thing, but by a "who" that is shaped by existence in time. Thus, human being is to exist with a certain past, a personal and cultural history, and by an open series of possibilities that one can seize hold of or not.[2]

There is no doubt that the revolutionary change in technology has also affected the notions of time and space and consequently the reality of human being. Today we talk about “real time,” “cyber space,[3]” and “virtual reality.[4]” This means that we live in a world quite different from what our ancestors used to experience. How much are we aware of our existence in today’s life? How far are we limited in time and space in the fulfillment of our ideals? What is the present condition of human beings in closed societies?

In this essay we intend to reflect on the old notions of time, space and being in the light of new development in knowledge, with a view to comprehend man’s present condition and to find out whether he is better off or worse in life. Read full text in pdf

[1] See: Relativity Theory, http://www.marxist.com/science-old/relativitytheory.html

[2] In what, then, does the being of being human consist? Heidegger's answer is existence (Existenz). Therefore, the question of being is to be accessed by way of what Heidegger calls "an existential analytic". But what sort of thing is human existence? It is obviously defined by time: we are creatures with a past, who move through a present and who have available to them a series of possibilities, what Heidegger calls "ways to be". For Heidegger, there are two dominant modes of being human: authenticity and inauthenticity. See Infra.

[3] In current usage the term "cyberspace" stands for the global network of interdependent information technology infrastructures, telecommunications networks and computer processing systems. As a social experience, individuals can interact, exchange ideas, share information, provide social support, conduct business, direct actions, create artistic media, play games, engage in political discussion, and so on, using this global network. The term has become a conventional means to describe anything associated with the Internet and the diverse Internet culture. Wikipedia

[4] Virtual reality (VR) is a term that applies to computer-simulated environments that can simulate physical presence in places in the real world, as well as in imaginary worlds.

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author, Scholar -Journal and the ‎Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

2011-06-23T00:07:00.000-07:00

Les dimensions ontologiques des droits de l'homme

Ali Asghar Kazemi *

Téhéran-mai 2011

Contenu

Introduction ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....

La perspective ontologique ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

La théorie critique et ontologie juridique ... ... ... ... ...

Concept de «droit» dans la théorie juridique ... ... ... ... ... ..

- Les droits moraux vs juridiques ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

Réclamation des droits et des droits de la Liberté ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... -

Droits de l'Homme: Dichotomie ontologique ... ... ...

           Indivisibilité-vs catégorisation ... ... ... ... ... ... ....
          - L'universalisme contre le Le relativisme ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

- Acteurs étatiques vs non-étatiques ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....

Conclusions ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ....

Bibliographie ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ..

Lectures supplémentaires ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

Introduction

Beaucoup a été écrit pendant la seconde moitié du siècle passé sur les différents aspects de «droits de l'homme», mais les étudiants de droit, la politique et les relations internationales sont moins familiers avec la base ontologique de cette question d'importance vitale. Depuis l'adoption de la Déclaration universelle des Droits de l'Homme (DUDH) en 1948 et les conventions et pactes internationaux ultérieurs [1] , nous avons vu augmenter critiques de divers milieux sur la justification de l'accent mis sur les extraordinaires telles que les droits inaliénables des peuples du monde entier. Certains ont accusé cette tendance comme un intellectualisme injustifiables en particulier dans les pays traditionnellement en arrière.

En fait, la lecture grâce à l'immense littérature sur les droits humains à tort l'impression que ce sujet est une invention de la puissance occidentale qui est actuellement utilisé comme un instrument de pression politique contre les traditionnels et les moins développés sociétés autoritaires.

Les partisans de l'universalité des droits de l'homme estiment que tandis que les cultures séculaires ont institutionnalisé cette affaire comme «important article de foi," [2] , nous assistons à une crise qui se développe dans d'autres parties du monde et surtout depuis ¹¹ Septembre 2001 de la légitimité des droits de l'homme est sérieusement menacée. [3]

Hannah Arendt [4] a dit que «les dimensions ontologiques des droits humains ont été largement ignorées en faveur de la justice» [5] Cet essai tente de regarder le problème en examinant la question d'un point de vue ontologique. L'objectif principal ici n'est pas «droits humains» en soi et les normes conventionnelles régissant son domaine, plutôt, l'objectif est d'étudier les conditions requises préliminaire pour elle; qui est le fondement ontologique qui embrasse les droits inaliénables de l'homme en vertu de sa nature même un «être humain» et pas nécessairement en tant que membre de la société ou le citoyen d'une entité politique appelée l'Etat. [6] Dans le décompte final, la question est de savoir si l'homme mépris de sa race, de foi, le sexe, la croyance et l'appartenance politique ou territoriale, à terme existe totalement pour ou en tant que membre de la société ou qui existe dans un certain sens important pour lui indépendant de l'environnement socio-politique? Une autre question importante est de savoir si le droit de ces droits implique un devoir corrélatif ou il s'agit simplement d'un privilège que de base garanties morales que les gens jouiront dans tous les pays et cultures, simplement parce qu'ils sont des êtres humains. Il sera fait valoir que le problème des droits de l'homme est essentiellement un manque d'application effective dans un système disparates internationale chaotique. Lire le texte complet en pdf

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* - Ali Asghar Kazemi est l'ancien doyen et professeur de droit et relations internationales à la Faculté de Droit et de Science politique -.. Post-Graduate Programme, l'AIU, Direction des sciences et de recherche de Téhéran-Iran Dr Kazemi est diplômé de l'Académie française navale et la United States Naval Post-Graduate School, Monterrey en Californie Il est titulaire d'un doctorat de la Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Medford, Massachusetts aux USA. www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

[1] Les plus connus sont le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques et le Pacte international relatif aux droits économiques, sociaux et culturels.

[2] L'historien canadien Michael Ignatieff, Voir: Ignatieff, M. (1999), dont les valeurs universelles? La crise des droits humains de La Haye:. Essai Erasmianum Praemium.

[3] Rob Buitenweg, droits de l'homme et le paradoxe de l'humanisme 11 mai 2003

[4] Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) était un influent théoricien allemand politique américaine.

[5] Voir: Sarena Parekh, Hanna Arrendt et le défi de la modernité, une phénoménologie des droits de l'homme. Routledg, 2008.

[6] J'ai emprunté cette approche de Raymond Dennehy, le fondement ontologique des droits de l'homme de l'Université de San Francisco, San Francisco, en Californie.

* Ali Asghar Kazemi est professeur de droit et relations internationales à Téhéran-Iran. Etudiants, chercheurs, institutions académiques, des médias ou toute partie intéressée dans l'utilisation de tout ou partie de cet article sont invités à le faire avec la condition de donner pleine d'attribution à l'auteur, chercheur-Journal et le Moyen-Orient Forum académique. © Tous droits réservés copie.

The Ontological Dimensions of Human Rights

2011-06-22T02:34:00.000-07:00

The Ontological Dimensions of Human Rights

Ali Asghar Kazemi*

Tehran- May 2011

Contents

Introduction …………………………………………….

The Ontological Perspective………………………

Critical Theory and Legal Ontology ……………

Concept of “Right” in Legal Theory……………..

- Moral vs. Legal Rights………………………………

- Claim Rights & Liberty Rights……………………

Human Rights: Ontological Dichotomy ………

-Indivisibility vs. categorization ………………….

- Universalism vs. Relativism………………………

-State vs. Non-state Actors………………………….

Conclusions ……………………………………………….

Bibliography……………………………………………..

Further Readings………………………………………

Introduction

Much has been written during the second half of the past century about various aspects of “Human Rights,” but students of law, politics and international relations are less acquainted with the ontological basis of this vitally important issue. Since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948 and the subsequent international conventions and covenants[1], we saw increasing criticisms from various circles on the rationale of such extraordinary emphasis on the inalienable rights of people around the world. Some have accused this trend as an unjustifiable intellectualism especially in traditionally backward countries.

In fact, reading through the immense literature on human rights conveys the false impression that this topic is an invention of Western power which is now being used as an instrument of political pressure against traditional and less developed authoritarian societies.

Proponents of universality of human rights believe that while secular cultures have institutionalized this matter as “major article of faith,”[2] we are witnessing a developing crisis in other parts of the world and especially since September 11^th 2001 the legitimacy of human rights is under serious threat. [3]

Hannah Arendt[4] once said that “the ontological dimensions of human rights have been largely ignored in favor of the judicial”[5] This essay attempts to look at the issue by examining the matter from an ontological point of view. The main focus here is not “human rights” per se and the conventional norms governing its realm, rather, the aim is to investigate the preliminary requisites to it; that is the ontological basis that embraces man’s inalienable rights by virtue of his very nature as a “human being” and not necessarily as a member of society or the citizen of a political entity called state. [6] In the final account, the question is whether man-disregard of his race, faith, gender, creed and political or territorial affiliation- ultimately exists totally for or as a member of society or exists in some significant sense for himself independent of the socio-political environment? Another important question is whether the entitlement of such rights entails a correlative duty or it is merely a privilege as basic moral guarantees that people shall enjoy in all countries and cultures simply because they are human beings. It will be argued that the problem of human rights is essentially lack of effective enforcement in a disparate chaotic international system. Read full text in pdf

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*‎- Ali Asghar Kazemi is Former Dean and currently Professor of Law and ‎International Relations at the ‎‎Faculty of Law and Political Science - Post-Graduate ‎Program, IAU, Science and Research ‎Branch. ‎‎Tehran- Iran.‎ Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of the French Naval Academy and The United States Naval Post-‎Graduate School, Monterrey Calif. He holds PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, ‎Medford, Mass. USA.‎ www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

[1] The best-known are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

[2] Canadian historian Michael Ignatieff, See: Ignatieff, M. (1999), Whose universal values? The crisis in human rights. The Hague: Praemium Erasmianum Essay.

[3] Rob Buitenweg, Human Rights and the Paradox of Humanism 11 May, 2003

[4] Hannah Arendt (1906 – 1975) was an influential German American political theorist.

[5] See: Sarena Parekh, Hanna Arrendt and the Challenge of Modernity, A Phenomenology of Human Rights. Routledg, 2008.

[6]I have borrowed this approach from Raymond Dennehy, The Ontological basis of Human Rights University of San Francisco ,San Francisco, California.

Politics of Witchcraft and Power Struggle in Iran

2011-05-14T02:13:00.000-07:00

Politics of Witchcraft and Power Struggle in Iran pdf File

A. A. Kazemi

May 12, 2011

________________________

باش تا صبح دولت ات بد مد کاین هنوز از نتایج سحر است

Wait till the majestic glow of the morning light

This is yet the results of the early dawn bright

AAK

Introduction

It took more than six long years for the Islamic regime to realize that the man, who was led to occupy the office of the “president” in Iran, was in fact an empty magic box, making too much noise while connected with a dubious entourage of a witchcraft circle. Indeed, this looks not much bizarre for a pompous figure who has led the nation to the brink of another war with his controversial claims and behavior. Perhaps he is relying on the magic power of his allies for the management of the world,. The danger lies on his consistent pretension of being a true Muslim believer having unusual connection with the Almighty “Allah” and his apostles namely the hidden 12^th Imam of the Shiites.

Just very recently a number of Iranian President’s advisers were arrested and jailed for practicing witchcraft. They have been charged with sorcery in an attempt to influence and challenge the power of the supreme Leader in favor of their chief mentor. This has been construed as part of power struggle before the upcoming parliamentary elections in Iran’s political arena.

How far the practice of witchcraft during the past several years (i.e. during Mr. Ahmadinejad tenure in office) has influenced government’s decisions decision making process? What is the extent of damages caused to the nation as a whole and the Islamic regime in particular as a result of this astonishing practice? What is the fate of the incumbent president after the revelation of the witchcraft scandal?

This short paper shall attempt to shed some light on the subject and evaluate the objectives and consequences of witchcraft practice by the president’s entourage and his reliance upon supernatural phenomenon for the attainment of his long-range political goals.

Witchcraft in Religion and Politics

Witchcraft can be examined in historical, anthropological, religious, and mythological contexts. Generally, it is the alleged use of metaphysical, supernatural or magical powers.[1] Beliefs in witchcraft, and resulting witch-hunts, are both found in many cultures worldwide. In anthropological terminology a 'witch' differs from a sorcerer in that they do not use physical tools or actions to curse; their mischief is perceived as extending from some intangible inner quality, and the person may be unaware that they are a 'witch', or may have been convinced of their own evil nature by the suggestion of others. [2]

Practices to which the witchcraft label has historically been applied are those which influence another person's mind, body, or property against his or her will, or which are believed, by the person doing the labeling, to undermine the social or religious order. Some modern commentators consider the malefic nature of witchcraft to be a Christian projection.[3]

Witchcraft in politics is still practiced even in modern societies. Americans may well remember Nancy Reagan’s alleged reliance on fortune-telling[4], witchcraft and astrology[5] in order to get advice for vital White House decisions of his husband, President Ronald Reagan. It is not known whether the miraculous collapse of the Soviet Union was the outcome of such supernatural practice! Politicians have often attempted to seek help of magic and supernatural with an objective to attract people’s attention or to destroy the chances of others by “locking the tongue” of their adversaries.

In the Islamic tradition, while Muslims in general believe in magic (Sihr), its practice is explicitly forbidden by Qur’an.[6] Some Muslim practitioners believe that they may seek the help of the Jinn[7] in magic. It is a common belief that jinn can possess a human, thus requiring exorcism. Still, the practice of seeking help to the Jinn is prohibited and regarded the same as seeking help to a devil.[8]

However, whereas performing miracles in Islamic thought and belief is reserved for only Messengers and Prophets, supernatural acts are also believed to be performed by “Awliyaa” – the spiritually accomplished. Disbelief in the miracles of the Prophets is considered an act of disbelief; belief in the miracles of any given pious individual is not. Neither are regarded as magic, but as signs of Allah at the hands of those close to Him that occur by His will and His alone.[9] This is the main reason for which some people pretend to have special connection with Good and metaphysics.[10]

Power Struggle and Witchcraft Controversy

While many opposition groups had long accused Iranian president to be associated with circles practicing magic and sorcery, the witchcraft controversy emerged only after his defiance over the supreme leader’s order regarding the Intelligence Minister. He was fired from his post due to some quarrel concerning an eavesdrop scandal of the president chief adviser who happens to run the dubious circle[11]. The supreme leader wanted reinstate the minister on his job, which resulted to the president’s absenting the cabinet for almost two weeks as a gesture of discontent and protest. This led to a widespread verbal attacks and accusation on the person of the president and his staff which followed by the arrest of a group of people allegedly associated with the witchcraft story. The arrests came amid a growing rift between the President and the Supreme Leader which has prompted several MPs to call for the president impeachment. But, when he realized that his political career is being threatened, he decided to return to work.

However, observers believe that recent President’s compromising move over the Leader’s order was only tactical and he is prone to further stirrup the situation in future with an objective to strengthen his position by undermining the Leader’s authority and keeping away the clerics from involvement in government affairs. One such action is said to be a documentary film prepared by the “circle” and backed by the President, that claimed the Hidden 12^th hidden Imam Mahdi, would be making an appearance soon. This could mean that there is no longer need of his supplants (i.e. The Supreme Leader) since the Imam himself is handling all the business of the nation.

In fact, this curious claim has been on the agenda of the president all along his tenure in office, but few people paid attention to it or took it seriously. Now that the challenge has surfaced, even conservative allies of the President are distancing from him and his circle fearing negative consequences of his sudden downfall. Most optimistic assessments suggest that despite leader’s embarrassment of his full support of the defying President, chances for his staying in power until the end of his term are very slim. The only problem now is how to get rid of this man without damaging the status of the Supreme Leader and the Islamic regime as a whole.

Final Words

Seeking assistance from unusual source of power may be considered only as a cultural malaise for ordinary fatalistic people who see their misfortune coming from the outer-world. But for a supposedly educated man occupying a high political office and claiming the rule of the world, such practice and conviction is a real shame. In effect, relying on witchcraft, fortune-telling, sorcery and other superstitious practices is a vivid sign of ignorance, backwardness and absurdity in an age of revolution in high-tech and man’s conquering the Moon and other celestial bodies.

Indeed, there is a sharp difference between being a faithful religious believer and reliance on magic and sorcery by looking for help of jinn and other devil spirits. Only a corrupt mind with mischievous aims may rely on such fictive powers for the attainment of his objectives.

Thus far, Iranians have paid high price for ludicrous behavior and decisions of the witchcraft circle in domestic and international affairs. Now that the underlying cause of this situation is revealed, they should force their representatives in the parliament to stop the trend before the whole nation is engulfed in crisis and disarray. /

Wait till the majestic glow of the morning light

This is yet the results of the early dawn bright

__________ AAK

[1] A witch (from Old English wicca masculine, wicce feminine) is a practitioner of witchcraft. Historically, it was widely believed in early modern Christian Europe that witches were in league with the Devil and used their powers to harm people and property. Particularly since the mid-20th century, 'bad' and 'good' witchcraft are sometimes distinguished, the latter often involving healing. The concept of witchcraft as harmful is normally treated as a cultural ideology, a means of explaining human misfortune by blaming it either on a supernatural entity or a known person in the community. From Wikipedia

[2] Ibid

[3]Wikipedia, Ibid

[4] Fortune-telling is the practice of predicting information about a person's life, often commercially. The scope of fortune-telling is in principle identical with the practice of divination. The difference is that divination is the term used for predictions considered part of a religious ritual, invoking deities or spirits, while the term fortune-telling implies a less serious or formal setting, even one of popular culture, where belief in occult workings behind the prediction is less prominent than the concept of suggestion, spiritual or practical advisory or affirmation. Historically, fortune-telling grows out of folkloristic reception of Renaissance magic, specifically associated with gypsies. Wikipedia.

[4] Astrology is a system of divination founded on the notion that the relative positions of celestial bodies are signs of or—more controversially among astrologers—causes of destiny, personality, human affairs, and natural events. Ibid

[6] Surah Al-Falaq (meaning dawn or daybreak), which is known as a prayer to Allah to ward off black magic. “ Say: I seek refuge with the Lord of the Dawn From the mischief of created things; From the mischief of Darkness as it overspreads; From the mischief of those who practise secret arts; And from the mischief of the envious one as he practises envy.” (Quran 113:1–5)

Also according to the Quran: “And they follow that which the devils falsely related against the kingdom of Soloman. Solomon disbelieved not; but the devils disbelieved, teaching mankind sorcery and that which was revealed to the two angels in Babel, Harut and Marut ... And surely they do know that he who trafficketh therein will have no (happy) portion in the Hereafter; and surely evil is the price for which they sell their souls, if they but knew.” (al-Qur'an 2:102)

[7] The belief in jinn is part of the Muslim faith. It is narrated from the Prophet who said: "Allah created the angels from light, created the jinn from the pure flame of fire, and Adam from that which was described to you (i.e., the clay.)".

Also in the Quran, chapter of Jinn: “And persons from among men used to seek refuge with persons from among the jinn, so they increased them in evil doing.” (The Qur'an) (72:6)

[8] Wikipedia

[9] Ibid Wikipedia

[10] See my article: Ali Asghar Kazemi, Metaphysics of Violence and Terror in Scholar E-Journal , April 2011.

[11] Several people said to be close to the president and his chief of staff, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, have been arrested in recent days and charged with being “magicians” and invoking djinns (spirits). Ayandeh, an Iranian news website, described one of the arrested men, Abbas Ghaffari, as “a man with special skills in metaphysics and connections with the unknown worlds”.

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author, Scholar -Journal and the ‎Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

Metaphysics of Violence and Terror

2011-04-26T07:54:00.000-07:00

[First Draft] pdf File

Metaphysics of Violence and Terror

Ali Asghar Kazemi[1]

April 2011

__________________________

Introduction

Just very recently, amidst the fateful crisis in Libya, the embattled Libyan dictator Qaddafi warned the NATO forces that soon he will mobilize an army of invisible “Jinns”[2] to confront the infidel intruders to a Muslem land. It is not known what the reaction of NATO commanders in the field was, but eventually Qaddafi was quite serious about his metaphysical assertion when he ordered his forces to slaughter opposition groups.

Throughout the history of mankind, political rulers joint with spiritual leaders have used and abused the supernatural beliefs and metaphysical forces in order to establish their power and solidify their grip over the minds and bodies of people. Religious wars of the past, inquisition trials, torture, prison and other cruel punishments are considered as clear manifestations of the influence of the outer-world in the daily life of people.

Terror and violence are terms that have existed all along with the development human society from primitive times to the present. In prehistoric era to the advent of men’s primeval civilization, violence was part of daily life in the “state of nature” which was a product of pure human instinct for survival. Gradually, before reason became as the ground foundation for “civil society”, religion and metaphysics dominated the realm of knowledge of the world and its various sophisticated phenomenon. Thenceforth, violence became inseparable parts of religious rituals that still today are being observed as a sacred duty in some religions.[3]

What are the principal causes of these acts of terror and violence that seem to be inseparable part of human societies? The main argument in this paper is that violence, terror and atrocities such as September 11 events, suicide attacks and other mass killings, executions and the likes, should be explained and understood only within the purview of “metaphysical paradigm” and not necessarily through conventional rational approaches.

The Metaphysical Paradigm

Theorizing about violence and terror from a metaphysical[4] standpoint is a rather heavy task that requires a profound knowledge of both philosophy and religion. There are some resources in the literature on these topics which by nature are not always easy to understand for students of politics and international relations.[5] My endeavor here is to elucidate some of the most critical aspects of violence and terror from a new methodological perspective, the “metaphysics.”

The terms metaphysics and metaphysical in a popular sense have been used in connection with “New Thought” in religion and theology.[6] Cutting across the division of the academic and the popular, there is another way of dividing metaphysics: theoretical and applied. This distinction is like the division between science and technology; one describes; the other applies the description to practical problems, putting knowledge to work. Traditionally, gathering knowledge in metaphysics is by rational thought; in a more popular understanding, knowledge gathering may be either mystical or “occult”[7]; in either case the pure knowledge is to be distinguished from the practical application of it.[8]

Prior to the modern history of science, scientific questions were addressed as a part of metaphysics known as natural philosophy. The term science itself meant "knowledge" of originating from epistemology. The scientific method, however, transformed natural philosophy into an empirical activity deriving from experiment unlike the rest of philosophy. By the end of the 18th century, it had begun to be called "science" to distinguish it from philosophy. Thereafter, metaphysics denoted philosophical enquiry of a non-empirical character into the nature of existence.[9]

The Essence of Violence

Many philosophers and thinkers have dealt with the question of violence from their own world view and perspective. Jacques Derrida’s Violence and Metaphysics is one such work that concluded, there is a necessary relationship between the metaphysical quest for “totality” and political “totalitarianism.” His views however relate merely to criticizing the philosophical foundation of Western political institutions by his theory of “deconstruction.”[10] As he wrote in an early essay, “incapable of respecting the Being and meaning of the other, phenomenology and ontology would be philosophies of violence.[11]

On the common ground, violence is defined as the “use of physical force to cause injury, damage or death.”[12] Furthermore, “violence is used as a tool of manipulation and also is an area of concern for law and culture which take attempts to suppress and stop it.” The term violence encompasses a broad spectrum covering a wide variety of illegal or unusual actions against human beings, even animals and living species or their natural environment. This can be as a result of interpersonal conflicts, international wars, aggression, genocide or deliberate alteration and demolition of the environment.

Violence can be viewed and defined from various angles: law, politics, sociology, psychology etc. According to Max Weber, states and governments have the “monopoly on violence” because they possess all the means and instruments of inflicting injuries to people and depriving them from their freedom and ordinary lives. Use of violence through legal system by police forces and military is solely within the competence of legal authority of governments for the purpose of law enforcement and establishing peace and order. But, in some instances, this could go beyond the legitimate purposes for which it has been established; such as maintaining a ruler in power who has lost its legitimacy.

Contrary to Weber, German political theorist Hannah Arendt[13], making clear distinction between violence and power, believes that "Violence can be justifiable, but it never will be legitimate. ... Its justification loses in plausibility the farther its intended end recedes into the future.”[14] Whereas most political theorists regard violence as an extreme manifestation of power, Arendt thinks that the two concepts as opposites. Of course, no one logically questions the use of violence in self-defense, because the danger is not only clear but also present, and the end justifying the means is immediate. But, obviously, to be lawful, certain conditions should be observed, without which it could create legal obligation and liability.

There have been widespread attempts to extend the traditional definition of violence to various fields of social studies. Some authors have made a distinction between “hard” and “soft” violence. Thus, in delving into the etymological development of the word violence, we come across various attributes of the term including situations where physical violence is not necessarily present but the impact could be more detrimental to the subjects.

Here are some derivatives of the regular definition of violence that could go even further in other areas that no explicit physical harm is inflicted to the victims:

1. Structural violence: a term that was first coined in the 1960s commonly attributed to Johan Galtung. It refers to a form of violence based on the systemic ways in which a given social structure or social institution harms people by preventing them from meeting their basic needs. Structural violence inevitably produces conflict and often direct violence, including family violence, racial violence…[15]

2. Symbolic violence: was first introduced by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu to account for the tacit almost unconscious modes of cultural/social domination occurring within the every-day social habits maintained over conscious subjects. The concept of symbolic violence also referred to as "soft" violence, which includes actions that have discriminatory or injurious meaning or implications, such as gender dominance and racism. Symbolic violence maintains its effect through the mis-recognition of power relations situated in the social matrix of a given field.[16]

3. Religious violence: Religions and ideologies have been the cause of interpersonal violence throughout history. Ideologues often falsely accuse others of violence, such as the ancient blood libel against Jews, the medieval accusations of casting witchcraft spells against women, caricatures of black men as “violent brutes” that helped excuse the late 19th century Jim Crow laws in the United States and modern accusations of satanic ritual abuse against day care center owners and others. Both supporters and opponents of the 21st century War on Terrorism regard it largely as an ideological and religious war.[17]

4. Media Violence: Some social scientists see an undisputable link between media and violence. This argument can be easily supported in authoritarian regimes where media and writers are under the strict control of the government. In this case, media can influence and instigate public opinion against or in favor of some faction of the society leading to controversy, conflict and violence. In some instance they can destroy the personality of a dissenting public figure by defamations and false allegations.

Terror and Terrorism

While violence and terror are somehow similar in form and substance, the latter comes from Latin verb terrere meaning “to frighten” which adds a singular attribute to the former. In other words, the ultimate objective of terror is “to inspire fear with a view “to paralyze the will to resist the objectives of the perpetrator.”[18]

David Forte states that the “primary difference between terror and terrorism is that while illegitimate terror can be neutrally evil, i.e. random violence committed by robbers, rapists and even soldiers, terrorism has the additional political or moral dimension, being the systemized use of randomly focused violence by organized groups against civilian targets to effect a political objective.”[19]

Terror and terrorism have existed throughout the history of human civilization. Despite its long history, terrorism and low-level violence associated with religious movements are more recent phenomena. In the past, despotic rulers used terror as a means to subjugate their own people. The post-revolutionary France has passed through the trauma of Robespierre terror. The memory of systematic state terror in Stalin’s Russia, Hitler’s Germany and other dictators is still alive. But today this dimension of terrorism has changed drastically. We are now witnessing the tremendous spread of a new face of terror, associated with violent behavior of religious extremists, whose cruel actions and drive to cause extensive bloodshed, go beyond sane imagination. This phenomenon is described as one of the sad paradox of our time; the myth of “romantic revolution” whose promoters are the ideologues, whose dupes are the young and idealistic and whose victims are the weak and the little men, the children, the old and defenseless.[20]

With the advent of sophisticated communications and relations among nations, terrorism, whether directed toward states or individuals, has gained new dimensions and consequently attracted the attention of world public opinion. It has also provided appetizing food for mass media around the world and hence incentive for terrorists to gain reputation through wide publicity. Unlike the past when conventional media, such as radio and television broadcast and newspapers could limit the propaganda impact of terrorism, today the internet has become a rather uncontrollable, easy and handy tool for murderer to expose their horrifying acts to the public around the world. We have seen with revulsion the shocking video clips showing the act of beheading of innocent people in Iraq.

Problem of Definition and Regulation

While wars and armed conflicts have been defined and regulated in the past, violence and terror never had such capacity; since they are considered as inhuman acts of barbarism and savagery. They have been forbidden as crime against humanity.

Despite several attempts to define and regulate the periphery of terror and terrorism, thus far, the international community and the United Nations have not been able to reach a comprehensive agreement. Perhaps, one reason for this deficiency is that one cannot legalize and inhibit something that belongs to the realm of faith and metaphysics.[21] Indeed, atrocities such as the one we have been witnessing in recent years cannot be explained and digested by a sane and rational mind. Those who resort to these savageries are presumed to be “men of faith” whose source of inspiration comes from the outer-world or the “metaphysical.” Obviously, regulating such actions through national and international laws and conventions can hardly deter the wrongdoers and criminals.

Social scientists however have attempted to circumvent the problem by shedding some light on the matter. In the context of terrorism, Charles Tilly identifies "terror" as a political strategy defined as "asymmetrical deployment of threats and violence against enemies using means that fall outside the forms of political struggle routinely operating within some current regime", and therefore ranges from:

-intermittent actions by members of groups that are engaged in wider political struggles to one segment in the modus operandi of durably organized specialists in coercion,

-including government-employed and government-backed specialists in coercion to the dominant rationale for distinct, committed groups and networks of activists.[22]

According to Tilly, the term "terror" spans across a wide range of human cruelties, from Stalin's use of executions to clandestine attacks by groups like the Basque separatists and the IRA and even ethnic cleansing and genocide.[23]

In this sense, professor Bassiouni[24] notes: "to define "terrorism" in a way that is both all-inclusive and unambiguous is very difficult, if not impossible. One of the principal difficulties lies in the fundamental values at stake in the acceptance or rejection of terror-inspiring violence as means of accomplishing a given goal. The obvious and well known range of views on these issues are what makes an internationally accepted specific definition of what is loosely called "terrorism," a largely impossible undertaking. That is why the search for and internationally agreed upon definition may well be a futile and unnecessary effort."[25]

In the meantime, the international community adopted a series of “sectoral conventions” that define and criminalize various types of terrorist activities. In addition, since 1994, the United Nations General Assembly has condemned terrorist acts using the following political description of terrorism: "Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them."[26]

In 2004, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1566 condemned terrorist acts as:

"criminal acts, including against civilians, committed with the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury, or taking of hostages, with the purpose to provoke a state of terror in the general public or in a group of persons or particular persons, intimidate a population or compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act, which constitute offenses within the scope of and as defined in the international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism, are under no circumstances justifiable by considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or other similar nature."

Despite all these attempts, we are still far from containing the spread of terror and violence in the world. Perhaps the problem should be approached not through the earthly and mundane discourse but somewhere above the outer-world from where the faithful and zealous terrorists get inspired.

Looking to the Future

In recent years, especially after the American military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, terrorists have gone to the extreme by conducting suicidal attacks against their targets. Of course, we shall not forget the suicide attacks against embassies and troop’s headquarters of Western powers around the world before that period; among which militia actions in Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Argentina… are the most notorious. Despite extreme precautionary security measures, these operations and the likes are still being carried out by terrorists, for the purpose of gaining attention of the media, intimidating an opponent or toppling a shaky and weak government. The present Iraq and Afghanistan are ill-fated example of such daily occurrence.

We are living in a dangerous world no prophet ever predicted. The spread and magnitude of violence and terror activities have made all nations very vulnerable. What happened in New York, London and Madrid can occur at anytime and anywhere without discrimination. Terrorists have already demonstrated that they can achieve disproportionately large effects in world order with a relatively small number and limited capacity for violence. They have caused widespread alarm, compelling governments with a clear preponderance of conventional military power to negotiate with them, to grant them concessions or simply to back down with humiliation.

Thus far all endeavors to effectively deal with this kind of terrorism seem to have failed. It is not quite clear how the world should approach this evil of the 21^st century. Use of force and naked power has proved to be inefficacious. It would be rather hard to believe that terrorism may be uprooted for good in the years to come. Perhaps we should think of some unconventional means to contain this unusual phenomenon called terrorism.

Living in peace and quiet for individuals and states has become an art[27] for which we are not so much prepared. However, perhaps in the long-run, we end up to cohabit with this awful situation and gradually get used to terror and violence in our daily life. Inevitably, the result of such dreadful situation is further religious and racial intolerance, clashes and consequently more closure of societies and limitation of people’s interactions around the world. In such circumstances, we should surrender to the will of “metaphysics” and just hope for a miracle to change our vulnerable condition and await the great savior to come from above to protect us from unforeseen hazards. /

[1] Ali Asghar Kazemi is Former Dean and currently Professor of Law and ‎International Relations at the ‎‎Faculty of Law and Political Science - Post-Graduate ‎Program, IAU, Science and Research ‎Branch. ‎‎Tehran- Iran.‎ Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of the French Naval Academy and The United States Naval Post-‎Graduate School, Monterrey Calif. He holds PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, ‎Medford, Mass. USA.‎

[2] In the Islamic tradition, Jinn is a spirit that can take on various human and animal forms and makes mischievous use of its supernatural powers. Jinns are mentioned in the Quran like a zillion times. They even have a surah to themselves. (Suratul Jinn). They use to reveal to the Prophet Muhammad in times he needed help against his enemies. Sometimes, they even carry him to their world to teach whole clan of them.

[3] Scarifying various animals (instead of human beings in the past) during religious rituals and manifestations can be indeed considered a form of systematic violence still practiced in certain societies.

[4] The term metaphysics originally referred to the writings of Aristotle that came after his writings on physics, in the arrangement made by Andronicus of Rhodes about three centuries after Aristotle's death. Traditionally, metaphysics refers to the branch of philosophy that attempts to understand the fundamental nature of all reality, whether visible or invisible. It seeks a description so basic, so essentially simple, so all-inclusive that it applies to everything, whether divine or human or anything else. It attempts to tell what anything must be like in order to be at all. To call one a metaphysician in this traditional, philosophical sense indicates nothing more than his or her interest in attempting to discover what underlies everything. Old materialists, who said that there is nothing but matter in motion, and current naturalists, who say that everything is made of lifeless, non-experiencing energy, are just as much to be classified as metaphysicians as are idealists, who maintain that there is nothing but ideas, or mind, or spirit. See generally: Metaphysics: Multiple Meanings: Presented by AWPNT This site was selected as one of the "Best 1,001 Web Sites “by Computing (December 1996).

[5] See e.g. Halpern, Cynthia. "Theorizing Terror: The Violence of the Sacred and the Violence of the Secular" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Marriott Wardman Park, Omni Shoreham, Washington Hilton, Washington, DC, Sep 01, 2005 http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p39962_index.html

[6] The New Thought movement--not to be confused with New Age--is a more than century-old, practically oriented spirituality that promotes fullness of all aspects of living, through constructive thinking, meditating, and other ways of realizing the presence of God. See above Metaphysics: Multiple Meaning, AWPNT

[7] That is: relating to, involving, or characteristic of magic, witchcraft, or supernatural phenomena.

[8] Ibid

[9] Metaphysics is a branch of philosophy of concerned with explaining the fundamental nature of being and the world, although the term is not easily defined. Traditionally, metaphysics attempts to answer two basic questions in the broadest possible terms: a)"What is there?" and b) "What is it like?" A person who studies metaphysics would be called either a metaphysicist or a metaphysician. The metaphysician attempts to clarify the fundamental notions by which people understand the world, including existence, the definition of object, property, space, time, causality, and possibility. A central branch of metaphysics is ontology, the investigation into the basic category of beings and how they relate to each other. See: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metaphysics

[10] Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) was the founder of “deconstruction,” a way of criticizing not only both literary and philosophical texts but also political institutions. Although Derrida at times expressed regret concerning the fate of the word “deconstruction,” its popularity indicates the wide-ranging influence of his thought, in philosophy, in literary criticism and theory, in art and, in particular, architectural theory, and in political theory. Beside critique, Derridean deconstruction consists in an attempt to re-conceive the difference that divides self-reflection (or self-consciousness). But even more than the re-conception of difference, and perhaps more importantly, deconstruction works towards preventing the worst violence. It attempts to render justice. Indeed, deconstruction is relentless in this pursuit since justice is impossible to achieve. See: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/derrida/

[11] Jacques Derrida, Violence and Metaphysics (1967).

[12] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Violence

[13] See e.g.: Hanna Arendt, On Violence, Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1970 - 106 pages . This book is “An analysis of the nature, causes, and significance of violence in the second half of the twentieth century. Arendt also reexamines the relationship between war, politics, violence, and power. “Incisive, deeply probing, written with clarity and grace, it provides an ideal framework for understanding the turbulence of our times”(Nation). Index.

[14] From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

[15] See for example: James Gilligan, Violence: Reflections on a National Epidemic. Gilligan defines structural violence as "the increased rates of death and disability suffered by those who occupy the bottom rungs of society, as contrasted with the relatively lower death rates experienced by those who are above them." Gilligan largely describes these "excess deaths" as "non-natural" and attributes them to the stress, shame, discrimination and denigration that results from lower status. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

[16]From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

[17] Ibid

[18] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terror

[19] Forte, David F. "Terror and Terrorism: There Is a Difference". Ohio Northern University Law Review (Ohio Northern University Pettit College of Law) (1986).13: 39-52.

[20] See Ali Asghar Kazemi, “ The Art of Living in Terror” in Strategic Discourse.

http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/art-of-living-in-terror.html

[21] The definition of terrorism has proved controversial. Various legal systems and government agencies use different definitions of "terrorism". Moreover, the international community has been slow to formulate a universally agreed upon, legally binding definition of this crime. These difficulties arise from the fact that the term "terrorism" is politically and emotionally charged. Angus Martyn in a briefing paper for the Australian Parliament has stated that "The international community has never succeeded in developing an accepted comprehensive definition of terrorism. During the 1970s and 1980s, the United Nations attempts to define the term foundered mainly due to differences of opinion between various members about the use of violence in the context of conflicts over national liberation and self-determination." These divergences have made it impossible to conclude a Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism that incorporates a single, all-encompassing, legally binding, criminal law on definition of terrorism. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

[22] Charles Tilly. “Terror, Terrorism, Terrorists,” Sociological Theory, Vol. 22, No. 1, Theories of Terrorism: A Symposium (Mar., 2004), pp. 5-13

[23] Idem

[24] Mahmoud Cherif Bassiouni is a United Nations war crimes expert and university professor, born in 1937. In 1999, Professor Bassiouni was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for his work in the field of international criminal justice and for his contribution to the creation of the International Criminal Court. He did not win as Médecins Sans Frontières received the award in 1999.

[25] From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

[26] Taken from definition of terrorism in Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

[27] The latter part of this paper is taken from my earlier writings on the subject: See Ali Asghar Kazemi, “ The Art of Living in Terror” in Strategic Discourse.

http://stradis.blogspot.com/2006/08/art-of-living-in-terror.html

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran-Iran. Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts ‎of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author, Scholar E-Journal and the ‎Middle East Academic Forum. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.‎

Quantum Politics: New Methodological Perspective

2011-02-13T05:19:00.000-08:00

[First draft, please does not quote]

Quantum Politics

New Methodological Perspective

Ali Asghar Kazemi[1]

Tehran- February 2011‎

Introduction

Recent events and escalating crises at the start of the year 2011 throughout the Arab states of the Middle East and ‎North Africa, from Tunisia and Egypt to South Yemen, have truly shocked observers, ‎researchers and ‎specialists who missed the symptoms of these fundamental shifts. ‎It appears that ‎traditional and existing theories have not been ‎able to predict the ‎development of ‎unexpected changes in the region. This paper ‎is an attempt to ‎explain the matter through new methodological approach built on ‎chaos and ‎quantum theories.‎ ‎

If you are among those students of politics and international relations who are fed-up ‎‎‎with enormous numbers of theories, methods and paradigms in these fields, try to ‎‎‎understand this last one exposed in the present short essay. It may help you to view ‎‎and discuss political phenomenon in a different new way. Of course, the novelty of ‎‎this approach may make its comprehension a little bit difficult. Therefore, I don’t ‎‎guarantee that ‎you will swiftly grasp the subject and make a research case of it. It is ‎‎suggested that the interested reader go through the whole text and references with ‎‎attention and repeat the process if necessary.‎

Paradigm Shifts in Politics

When we speak of “paradigm” we cannot skip over the name of Thomas Kuhn[2] who has made several important claims and contributions concerning the progress of knowledge.[3] The followings are the most notable that are relevant to our study in this paper:

First: Science undergoes periodic "paradigm shifts" instead of progressing in a linear and continuous way. Second: these paradigm shifts open up new approaches to understanding that scientists would never have considered valid before. And third: scientists can never divorce their subjective perspective from their work; thus, our comprehension of science can never rely on full "objectivity" - we must account for subjective perspectives as well.[4]

Traditionally, we understand political phenomena and international relations in terms of positivist approaches based upon Newtonian worldview, which is mechanistic and reflecting “systemic determinism” governed by eternal universal laws.[5] This is how we used to explain for instance the concept of “Balance of Power” and a host of other theories during the cold war. The post cold war period, and most particularly the unpredictability of the September 11 events, proved the methodological insufficiency and inadequacy of this approach.

In recent years many authors have questioned the wisdom of continuing to rely on the Newtonian philosophy to deal with the emerging problems in world affairs and domestic issues which no longer respond to the conventional epistemological and ontological views of the past. Reliance on mere cause and effect, two dimensional “space and time,” political determinism, structure, interaction, order, sovereignty and the like are not responsive to our present methodological requisites. [6]

Many attempts have been made to remedy this paucity in political inquiries and a number of post-positivist approaches have been devised to fill this gap.[7] From ontological perspective, we find those departing from objective (mechanistic) to subjective (interpretive) approaches; and from epistemological point of view, we depart from mere description and explanation to “understanding” of the political phenomenon in its entirety. Thus, emerged what we now refer to as post-modern approaches that include hermeneutics, language and discourse analyses as well as all other methods relating to post-behavior and post-structural concepts.[8]

Despite all these endeavors, we still feel in an epistemic vacuum and are not sure about the explanatory and predictive capacity of our methods and approaches. This is what we refer to as uncertainty in politics that gravely impede our inquiries. Let’s see whether quantum theory has anything to offer to remedy this malaise.

Quantum Theory and Uncertainty in Politics‎

The unpredictability[9] nature of politics has made it fit to marry with quantum theory which by definition stands upon this characteristic. In recent years, “chaos and quantum theories” have attracted academics and scholars ‎as alternative research methodology across a wide range of social science discipline ‎including politics and international relations.

Most of us are real bothered with the idea of uncertainty and unpredictability in politics and are not satisfied with expert explanations about events and situations that have led to certain drastic changes in domestic and international realms. This has guided some thinkers who worry about the future to embrace the concept of “quantum theory.” ‎ By the same token, “Uncertainty Principle” is one of the most renowned concepts in the field of quantum theory formulated by Heisenberg.[10] The idea is that when we observe a phenomenon, our mere act of observation affects the condition of the observed “thing.” This idea somehow matches the postmodern theory of politics. The underlying common factors to this concept is what "Post-Modernism" proposes; that is, the conviction that all "truths" are subjective and relative and that there are no objective facts.

In this view, “there are no immutable natural laws to be discovered. Everything that ‎seems lawful is at best probabilistic, and perhaps fundamentally random.” In other words, anything ‎that seems to be immutable is merely a consequence of “the limited time horizon of humans and therefore, nothing can be predicted with certainty about the events that may happen in the future.‎‎ If we accept this argument and expand it to the field of social science and politics, we will eventually feel much easier in our attempts to make faulty predictions.

While the concept of quantum theory goes back to early 20^th century[11], its entry and application in social sciences and especially in politics is relatively new. Many modern political scientists have claimed that they had thought of or used the concept one way or another in the course of their teaching or research.[12] However, not until some years ago, with the publication of an innovative book: Quantum Politics: Applying Quantum Theory to Political Phenomenon edited by Professor Theodore L. Becker, the subject became widely exposed to academic debates.[13]

According to Becker, “quantum physics provides the means for replacing 18th century political and economic philosophies with a new paradigm more consistent with our current understanding of physical reality.” A number of political scientists have contributed to the elucidation of this subject. The main pivotal argument here is “that a Newtonian world view dominant in the past, can no longer explain political phenomena.”

Newtonian theory is more attuned to classical and liberal democratic thinking and thereby to indirect, representative democracy. Quantum theory, on the other hand, is linked with participatory democratic thoughts, that is to say “a more direct and purer form of democracy.”[14] The classical Newtonian worldview, is ‎rationalistic, mechanistic and predictive laying on the cause-and-effect, and assuming ‎an objective real world which can be objectively observed and measured by a trained, neutral observer.‎ Whereas, “quantum politics is based on the unpredictable, contradictory nature of ‎human beings.” [15]

Most social and behavioral science theories developed since Newton say that these ‎assumptions are not the basis for understanding actual human behavior. Darwin and ‎Freud, to name two intellectual giants of the 19th Century, have quite different ‎paradigms which suggest how marginal indeed rationality, predictability, and ‎objectivity are in human decision making. But in the early 20th Century, quantum ‎physics seemed to go even farther.‎

Quantum Politics and Post-Modernism

In our ordinary reasoning and academic arguments we usually assume that men are ‎rational and act accordingly to increase their gains and lower their losses in their ‎interactions. Furthermore, it is assumed that in a democratic society, law and politics ‎incorporated in a legal system and the relevant political institutions are product of ‎collective wisdom that encourages good behavior of citizens and government ‎responsiveness and accountability. However, this view is challenged by critics even in ‎most democracies. This also relates to assumptions underlying modern political ‎systems, people’s voting behavior, freedom of expression and other kinds of liberties ‎associated with citizen fundamental rights in society.‎

A critical introduction to the debate concerning the conceptual foundations of quantum mechanics and the problems it has posed for physicists and philosophers from Einstein to the present is reflected in a book by Christopher Norris: Quantum Theory and the Flight from Realism.[16] According to Norris “Quantum theory has been a major influence on postmodernism, and presents significant challenges for realists.”[17] Clarifying these debates for the non-specialist, Norris examines the premises of orthodox quantum theory and its impact on various philosophical developments. “He subjects a wide range of opponents and supporters of realism to a high and equal level of scrutiny. Combining rigor and intellectual generosity, he draws out the merits and weaknesses from opposing arguments.”[18]

On the one side of quantum world view, there are some scientists who suggest “there is no real world, or at least no one real world;”[19] meaning that there may be many and perhaps an infinite worlds. In this contention, even if an objective real world exists, one cannot say anything with certainty about it at the micro level. Since, any attempt to observe or explain and quantify the observed world will disturb its condition. This is one important element of uncertainty about human observation of the universe because he is a part of it and not an independent observer.

Political scientist, Harold Lasswell,[20] who has studied almost everything new in political science before and after the Second World War, has also dealt with “the idea of policy sciences which is very compatible with a quantum perspective.” Pioneer positivist, Auguste Comte, who must be viewed as the father of the entire social physics perspective, also contributed to the explanation of the Positive philosophy and introduced the important relationship between theory, practice and human understanding of the world. Comte’s emphasis on quantitative mathematical basis for decision-making remains with us even today. It is a foundation of the modern notion of positivism, modern quantitative statistical analysis, and business decision-making.[21]

The point here is that when politicians claim something as fact or truth, they are hiding some aspects of their actions or decision from the public. Since, there cannot be a concrete truth in the corner that one might put hand on it. But, in politics, you are permitted to build your own truth and sell it to the public either by convincing argument or through concealment. ‎Therefore, it is safe to suggest that in politics ‎pretending to hold the truth, is surely a sign of ‎weakness, rather than an admission of the existence of human fallibility ‎and the lack of certainties in life.‎

Human fallibility is a fact of life and since politicians are human they too make mistakes like others. But the important question is to admit the fact and embrace the idea of uncertainty in politics and adopt the idea of ‎Quantum Politics. There is no reason to get excited when we disagree with each other. The solution is to discuss the ideas we disagree upon and be prepared to admit when we're ‎wrong. This means that we must move away from the old dichotomy 'we're right and you're wrong' attitudes “towards the kind of Open ‎Society, discussed by Karl Popper[22]. We don't have to stick to the old models anymore.‎”

Quantum Politics and Chaos Theory

Students of international relations are more or less familiar with the notion of “anarchy,” which somehow represents the condition of “chaos” in a social or political environment. This in fact describes the dynamic nature of international system, composed of more than 200 independent nation-states that are sole arbiter of their decisions and actions. Anarchy is the condition of the “state of nature” or rule of jungle in which naked power and instinct for survival are determinant factors. This means that chaos and anarchy are inseparable part of the global system.

I have called that condition the “critical order” in my last book: The End of Politics and the last Myth.[23] This represents the threshold of a fragile order in a system that can break down with the slightest unrestrained stimulus and cause the instability of the whole system in a chain reaction. We may explain this in term of the famous “Butterfly Effect”[24] in chaos theory.

From an academic point of view, chaos theory is a field of study in applied mathematics, with applications in several disciplines including physics, economics, biology, and philosophy. Chaos theory studies the behavior of dynamical systems that are highly sensitive to initial conditions; an effect which is popularly referred to as the butterfly effect. [25] Small differences in initial conditions (such as those due to rounding errors in numerical computation) yield widely diverging outcomes for chaotic systems, rendering long-term prediction impossible in general.

This happens even though these systems are deterministic, meaning that their future behavior is fully determined by their initial conditions, with no random elements involved. In other words, the deterministic nature of these systems does not make them predictable. This behavior is known as “deterministic chaos,” or simply chaos. Since the International System can be considered a nonlinear dynamic system, it is reasonable to take this theory into account for the study of the global order. [26]

The impact of Chaos theory on social science and politics relates to such concepts as class, race, gender, and ethnicity in society. This goes beyond existing paradigm, epistemology as well as the prevailing structural models and the underlying assumptions. Some scholars believe that chaos theory provide “a means of escaping structuralism's two signal flaws: it is inherently dynamic and time-sensitive and it permits a definition of social structural entities in such a way that if real, living, unique human beings vanished then the structures of society would also vanish.”[27]

Chaos Theory and the “Butterfly Effect”

One of the most interesting dimensions of chaos theory that can be applied in politics and international relations is the famous “butterfly effect.” The butterfly effect “is a metaphor that encapsulates the concept of sensitive dependence on initial conditions in chaos theory; namely, a small change at one place in a complex system can have large effects elsewhere.”[28]

In simple term, the concept refers to the idea that “a butterfly's wings might create tiny changes in the atmosphere that may ultimately alter the path of a tornado or delay, accelerate or even prevent the occurrence of a tornado in a certain location.”[29] The flapping wing represents a small change in the initial condition of the system, which causes a chain of events leading to large-scale alterations of events. This impact is like “domino effect”[30] in a series of events that successively create similar change in the subsystems of a large global system. Recent crises in North Africa and the Middle East could be cited as vivid example of this kind.[31]

Chaos theory can also provide an analytic paradigm which might allow us to see how providing a set of democratic laws to a totalitarian culture does not necessarily transform it into a democratic society. This explains the reverse effect of chaos in a resistant system non-sensitive to its environment, which usually represents closed as opposed to open societies.

We may apply the chaos theory to human behavior as well. The findings of a research confirm the universality of chaotic behavior within human interactions.[32] These findings “challenge some of the underlying assumptions on which work motivation theories are based, and suggest that chaos theory may offer useful and relevant information on how this process is managed within organizations.”[33]

The study further suggests that: systems with chaotic dynamics share certain important features that can be categorized as follows:

They show “aperiodicity,” meaning that they happen at irregular intervals. In other words, they are systems whose dynamics or state of motion never pass twice through the same path;
The dynamic behavior of the system stays within a finite range of values, after which it is self-contained;
The dynamic is deterministic, that is, it is regulated by rules; and finally,
The system shows sensitive dependence on initial conditions. In other words, a tiny difference at starting points, will give rise to very different evolutions of the system.[34]

As stated above, this last aspect is also known as the “butterfly effect” which deals with the notion of proportionality or lack of it at the initial stage and the final outcome. In other words, sometimes a small and almost imperceptible disruption in the initial condition of sub-systems is capable of generating significant changes in the behavior of a larger system.[35]

The concept of the butterfly effect is frequently referred to in popular culture in terms of the ‎novelty of a minor change in circumstances causing a large change in the outcome. What the ‎butterfly effect seems to posit, is that the prediction of the behavior of any large system, (such as the global system) is ‎virtually impossible unless one could account for all tiny factors, which might have a minute ‎effect on all the sub-system. Thus large systems like international order remain impossible to predict because ‎there are too many unknown factors and variables that concurrently occur in a dynamic (non-linear) fashion impossible to take into account. ‎[36]

‎Conclusion

Political events and crises remain unpredictable and difficult to forestall. Conventional positivist and mechanistic approaches based upon Newtonian ‎worldview which reflects “systemic ‎determinism” governed by eternal universal laws, are no longer responsive to our inquiries.‎ Interpretive approaches in the post-modern period too, while confirm uncertainty in human behavior and collective state conduct, lack sufficient clarity for prescriptive actions and predictions. ‎

Events that escalated into a full-blown revolution in Tunisia and proliferated to Egypt and other states, was merely due to a “butterfly effect” that got momentum after an unemployed graduate Tunisian citizen sets ‎himself ablaze. Similar incidents often happen elsewhere without being exposed to public attention. But, this has instigated a tornado that pierced its course through North Africa and the Middle East with amazing impacts. The phenomenon surprised everybody, from experts to politicians and average people.

Characteristics of non-linear and spiral-exponential equations in situations with numerous variables in political sphere and international relations lead us to go beyond traditional methods influenced by post-Newtonian world view for satisfying explanations. Quantum theory might shed some light on the dynamic behavior of systems which make them difficult to predict. Quantum politics and chaos theory can better describe the fragile condition of authoritarian political institutions, governments and states’ interactions. The notion of butterfly effect tells us that a minor change in a dynamic system can cause a large change in the outcome. However, depending on the unpredictable circumstances, the same stimulus may produce no result, by the same token change the course or attenuate the force of a crisis. Thus we cannot generalize the rule with certainty in other similar situations.

Potentially chaotic but deterministic systems in international relations, whose future behavior is not fully determined by their initial ‎conditions, have a tendency to perform in random fashion. In other words, the ‎deterministic nature of these systems does not make them ‎predictable. These are called “deterministic chaos.” If we consider International System as a ‎nonlinear dynamic system, then we can reasonably argue that the global order is ruled by chaos theory.

As stated above, the impact of chaos theory relates to all aspects of politics and international relations in the global context. This ‎makes the underlying assumptions of existing paradigm, epistemology, as well as the prevailing ‎structural models outmoded. Whether we can build a convenient methodological tool on the basis of this new worldview depends on our effort to fully grasp and apply the post-Newtonian perspective in our academic inquiries. /

‎ [1] ‎ Ali Asghar Kazemi is Former Dean and currently Professor of Law and ‎International Relations at the ‎‎Faculty of Law and Political Science - Post-Graduate ‎Program, IAU, Science and Research ‎Branch. ‎‎Tehran- Iran.‎ Dr. Kazemi is a graduate of the French Naval Academy and The United States Naval Post-‎Graduate School, Monterrey Calif. He holds PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, ‎Medford, Mass. USA.‎

‎This paper is a follow-up of a previous essay by the author on “Dynamic versus Static Political ‎Inquiry” ‎‎which was written last January 2011. It is suggested that the two papers be read together ‎for better ‎‎understanding the subject.‎ See: Academia www.academia1.blogspot.com ‎

[2] Thomas Samuel Kuhn; July 18, 1922 – June 17, ‎‎1996 was an American physicist who wrote extensively on the history of science and ‎developed several important notions in the sociology and philosophy of science.‎

[3] See e.g.: Kuhn, T.S. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962. Kuhn's work has been extensively used in social science; for instance, in the post-positivist/positivist debate within International Relations.

[4] The Structure of Scientific Revolutions was originally printed as an article in the International ‎Encyclopedia of Unified Science, published by the logical positivists of the Vienna Circle. In this book, ‎Kuhn argued that science does not progress via a linear accumulation of new knowledge, but undergoes ‎periodic revolutions, also called "paradigm shifts" (although he did not coin the phrase), in which the ‎nature of scientific inquiry within a particular field is abruptly transformed.‎ Taken from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

[5] Cf. Dimitrios E. Akrivoulis ‎, The ‘Quantum Politics’ Metaphor in International Relations: ‎Towards a Hermeneutics of Political Metaphoricity ‎ Paper presented at the 57th Political Studies Association Annual Conference ‎University of Bath, UK, 11-13 April 2007‎

[6] Cf. Ibid. See also Walker, R.B.J. (1991) “State Sovereignty and the Articulation of Political ‎Space/Time”, Millennium, Vol. 20, No. 3, pp. 445-461. ‎See also e.g.: DeTombe, Dorien J. & C. van Dijkum (Editors) Analyzing Complex Societal Problems: a methodological approach, Munich; Mering; Hampp, 1996 .‎

[7] See e.g. my paper: Ali Asghar Kazemi, “‎Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry” in The Middle East Academic Forum. www.aakazemi.blogspot.com January 2011.

‎

[8] Many contemporary philosophers and scholars have contributed to this development among whom the names of Heidegger, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, Bachelard, Foucault and Riceour ‎ are most cited in academic milieu.

[9] Unpredictability may be based on incomplete data or on non-linear feedback loops which is the case of chaos theory. "A process that is unpredictable is undetermined in terms of time and other variables that determine the state of a process. Cited in: DeTombe, Dorien J. & C. van Dijkum ,Analyzing Complex Societal Problems: a methodological approach, 1996.

[10] The Heisenberg uncertainty principle, a quantum physics concept which is commonly (yet inaccurately) used to refer to the fact that in the Copenhagen Interpretation model of quantum mechanical behavior, observers affect what they are observing, by the mere act of observing it alone (this is actually the observer effect, and is commonly confused with the Heisenberg uncertainty principle). In quantum mechanics, the Heisenberg uncertainty principle states by precise inequalities that certain pairs of physical properties, such as position and momentum, cannot be simultaneously known to arbitrarily high precision. That is, the more precisely one property is measured, the less precisely the other can be measured. See : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heisenbug#Heisenbug See also: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncertainty_principle

[11] Quantum theory evolved as a new branch of theoretical physics during the first few decades of the 20th century in ‎an endeavor to understand the fundamental properties of matter. It began with the study of the interactions of ‎matter and radiation. In contrast to Einstein's Relativity, which is about the largest things in the universe, quantum ‎theory deals with the tiniest things we know, the particles that atoms are made of, which we call "subatomic" ‎particles. In contrast to Relativity, quantum theory was not the work of one individual, but the collaborative effort of ‎some of the most brilliant physicists of the 20th century, among them Niels Bohr, Erwin Schrödinger, Wolfgang Pauli, ‎and Max Born. Two names clearly stand out: Max Planck (1858-1947) and Werner Heisenberg (1901-1976). Planck ‎is recognized as the originator of the quantum theory, while Heisenberg formulated one of the most eminent laws ‎of quantum theory, the Uncertainty Principle, which is occasionally also referred to as the principle of ‎indeterminacy.‎See Wikipedia under the subject of “Quantum Theory.”

[12] I used the concept in my early manuscript in the last chapter of a book on Method and Insight in Politics in late 1980’s when I was dealing with new emerging methods and approach in political science. See Ali Asghar Kazemi, Method and Insight in Politics, (A Philosophical, Scientific and Methodological Approach), Tehran: Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS), 1995. Chapter 11, p. 282.( In Persian)

[13] One reviewer of the book has described it in the following manner:”I am confident that this volume will mark a turning point in political theory, political ‎design, and eventually political practice. It definitely should be on the assigned ‎reading list of every student of politics, and every political activist. I don't expect many ‎current politicians to read it, although they certain should, but I do expect it to be a ‎kind of Bible for future political generations.‎” Reviewed by Jim Dator

[14] Theodore L. Becker, ed.‎ Applying Quantum Theory to Political Phenomenon New York; Westport, Connecticut; London: Praeger, 1991. 232 pages, plus 16 page ‎preface

[15] The standard explanation of what takes place at the quantum level is known as the Copenhagen Interpretation. This ‎is because much of the pioneering work was carried out by the Danish physicist Niels Bohr, who worked in ‎Copenhagen. Quantum theory attempts to describe the behavior of very small objects, generally speaking the size ‎of atoms or smaller, in much the same way as relativity describes the laws of larger everyday objects. We find it ‎necessary to have two sets of rules because particles do not behave in the same way as larger everyday objects, ‎such as billiard balls. We can, for example, say precisely where a billiard ball is, what it is doing, and what it is about ‎to do. The same cannot be said for particles. They are, quite literally, a law unto themselves, and why this should be ‎so is a source of much debate.‎

[16] Christopher Norris, Quantum Theory and the Flight from Realism: Philosophical Responses to Quantum Mechanics (Critical Realism) (London: Routledge, 2000) [Paperback]. Prof. Norris is Distinguished Research Professor in Philosophy at Cardiff University. He is one of the world's leading scholars on deconstruction, and the work of Jacques Derrida. This book is a valuable source for those who are interested in the debate concerning the conceptual foundations of quantum mechanics and clarifies the problems it has raised for physicists and philosophers. In a sequence of closely argued chapters, Norris examines the premises of orthodox quantum theory, as developed most influentially by Bohr and Heisenberg, and its impact on various philosophical developments.

[17] Ibid

[18] Norris, Ibid.

[19] To them, there may be many worlds or may be infinite worlds. Becker, ibid.

[20] Harold Dwight Lasswell (February 13, 1902 — December 18, 1978) was a leading American political scientist and communications theorist. He was a member of the Chicago school of sociology and was a professor at Yale University in law. He was a President of the American Political Science Association (APSA) and World Academy of Art and Science (WAAS).See: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harold_Lasswell

[21] Isidore Auguste Marie François Xavier Comte (19 January 1798 – 5 September 1857), better known as Auguste Comte. He was a French philosopher, a founder of the discipline of sociology and of the doctrine of positivism. He may be regarded as the first philosopher of science in the modern sense of the term. Strongly influenced by the Utopian socialist Henri de Saint-Simon, Comte developed the positive philosophy in an attempt to remedy the social malaise of the French revolution, calling for a new social paradigm based on the sciences. See : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Auguste_Comte

[22] Sir Karl Raimund Popper, (28 July 1902 – 17 September 1994) was an Austro-British philosopher and a professor at the London School of Economics. He is regarded as one of the greatest philosophers of science of the 20th century; he also wrote extensively on social and political philosophy. Popper is known for his attempt to repudiate the classical observationalist / inductivist account of scientific method by advancing empirical falsification instead; for his opposition to the classical justificationist account of knowledge which he replaced with critical rationalism, "the first non justificational philosophy of criticism in the history of philosophy"; and for his vigorous defense of liberal democracy and the principles of social criticism that he came to believe made a flourishing "open society" possible.

[23] See: Ali Asghar Kazemi, The End of Politics and the Last Myth: Critical Order in the Post-Political 21st Century. Tehran: Ghoomes Publishing Co. 2001. ( In Persian)

[24] See below for an explanation of the Butterfly Effect.

[25] See Wikipedia, also see: Smith, R. D. (1998) “Social Structures and Chaos Theory” in‎Sociological Research Online, vol. 3, no. 1, ‎‎

[26] ‎Mostly from Wikipedia under the title of “Chaos Theory.”

[27] Smith, Op.cit.

[28]See: Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Butterfly_effect

[29] Ibid

[30] Comparing this effect to the domino effect is slightly misleading. There is dependence on the initial sensitivity, but whereas a simple linear row of dominoes would cause one event to initiate another similar one, the butterfly effect amplifies the condition upon each interaction.

[31] This is for example like the crisis that happened in Tunisia at the beginning of the year 2011 and very quickly proliferated in Egypt and other countries of the Middle East and North Africa. See my trilogy articles on the subject in The Middle Eat Academic Forum

1. “Crisis Proliferation in the Middle East”

2. “Tunisia Crisis Turned into a Revolution”

3. “Tunisia Crisis: A Call for Change in the Middle East”

[32] See e.g. : José Navarro, and Carlos Arrieta, “Chaos in Human Behavior: The Case of Work Motivation. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, Vol. 13 No. 1

[33] Ibid

[34] Cf. Ibid

[35] Cf. idem

[36] In human behavior, one can certainly see how small changes could render behavior, or another complex system, extremely unpredictable. Small actions or experiences stored in the unconscious mind, could certainly affect a person’s behavior in unexpected ways.

Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry

2011-01-27T01:01:00.000-08:00

(First draft please do not quote)

Dynamic versus Static Political Inquiry

Ali Asghar Kazemi

January 2011

______________________

Introduction

From a methodological perspective, political science borrows diverse methods and approaches applied in social science research. Amongst these positivism, behavioral, structuralism, realism, institutionalism, rational choice theory, pluralism, interpretivism and critical theory are most familiar for students of the field. Post-modern movement and thinking have influenced these approaches considerably and have changed both the form and substance of political inquiries. Constructivism, hermeneutics, discourse analysis etc are the outgrowth of this wave.

Demand for relevance and functionality has also introduced many new qualitative and quantitative aspects and tools in this field. Statistical analyses, model building, simulation and case studies are among the very interesting and useful methods that have come to the assistance of political analysts and researchers.

The main purpose of this paper is to focus on new approaches and to show that whatever method researchers in political science and international relations choose for their inquiries they should be oriented towards dynamic rather than static conditions. In other words, in order to enhance the reliability of researches and applicability of their findings and outcome, we have to examine situations, conditions and alternative decisions in their process of changing occurrence and formation.

What do we mean by a static versus dynamic research? What are the attributes and benefits of this approach in political inquiries and decision making process?

Dynamic Research Technique

According to August Comte[1], social dynamics studies the laws of succession, ‎while social statics seeks those of coexistence. In other words, the former furnishes ‎the theory of progress, the latter of order. All ‎considerations of structure and function are static. That is to say, quantitative change is static. In dynamic phenomena the change is ‎qualitative. Thus, social static focuses on how to maintain order in society and social dynamic focuses on how society changes over time.

In an article in American Journal of Sociology the distinction between the notions ‎‎"static" and "dynamic" is considered “logical, ‎methodological and pedagogical.” [2]‎ ‎ In ‎other words, they are primarily and ‎chiefly subjective rather than objective. “They are ‎categories imposed ‎upon the object by the mind which attempts to represent the ‎object. They are aspects of the object, not ‎independently existing objects. They are ‎machinery for handling in ‎details the things to be understood in their totality.”‎ [3]‎ ‎

For our purpose, a static research is alike a still picture showing the apparent characteristic of a situation or incident from a certain angle, in a determined time and a defined context. A dynamic study or inquiry tries to examine a case in the process of its development through time and space as a motion picture.

For example, when we refer to a geo-strategic region such as the Persian Gulf, one may list a number of factors, variables, parameters and determinants that portray and explain the attributes of an important area for global security and order. But, only when these factors and variables are put into motion we can realize the true meaning of security. In other words, since security means differently to each actor, we ought to know about its conduct in different conditions and circumstances and find out the threshold of its rationality, actions and reactions in crises or emergency situations.

This requires dynamic examination of various eventualities and conditions that my occur in a vital geostrategic region and the relevant decision alternatives for each scenario. These scenarios range from the “best optimistic” to the “worst case” each of which needs a separate analysis in a dynamic situation.

We may refer to general system theory[4] in order to explain how observable events or phenomenon can be studied in a constant dynamic interaction as parts of a larger system which by definition has a continuous tendency for stability. This can be applied to all branches of science, including natural, social and political studies.

As an aspect of systems theory, system dynamics[5] is a method for understanding the dynamic behavior of complex systems. The basis of the method is the recognition that the structure of any system is often just as important in determining its behavior as the individual components themselves. Examples are “chaos” theory and “social dynamics.” In some cases the behavior of the whole cannot be explained in terms of the behavior of the parts. This explains the integration of tools, like language, as a more sparing process in the human application of easiest path adaptability through interconnected systems.[6]

Dynamic Programming and Game Theory

In the management field and operational research we use dynamic programming by mathematical techniques when we face a series of interrelated problems that require “sequential decisions”[7] and solutions. “Dynamic programming is an approach involving the optimization of multistage decision processes.” [8] The optimality principle here means that a given problem or situation is divided into stages of “sub-problems” which have to be solved sequentially and then aggregated to a final optimal policy after a thorough examination and cost-benefit analysis.

In international relations, when there are a number of actors with different interests and strategies competing or conflicting with other, we use “game theory” in order to reach an acceptable solution to all. For this purpose, we try to optimize each actor’s gain and loss in putting into motion their various courses of action by solving a numerical problem set-up in a matrix.[9]

In game theory, while there is always a conflict of interests between participant actors, rationality in decision options is the foundation of the game. In other words, if there is to be a solution, the outcome of game should be derived from a rational choice of each player who tries to maximize his gains and minimize his losses. In this approach, depending on the types of the games (zero-sum or non-zero-sum) the optimum strategy is the one that satisfies all participants. Otherwise, the game would either go to stalemate or has to be continued until the time it has a satisfactory solution.[10]

This process can apply to strategic regions with multiple actors seeking contradictory objectives. It allows to each independent player to divide a major security problem into a number of manageable sub-problems and arrange them according to their strategic values and find suitable solutions for each.

Dynamic Crisis Decision

There are other studies in the field of crisis decisions that distinguish between dynamic and static approaches. One such study is published in American Political Science Review.[11] This article argues that heuristic-based cognitive models [or dynamic approach based on trial and error rather than set of rules] on the one hand, and holistic rational theories [based on static set of rules], on the other, have always created debates regarding ‎decision making or choice which is at the crux of social science research.

According to the study, some scholars argue that decision makers use ‎maximizing holistic strategies, based upon a particular predetermined static rule. Others claim that for volatile crisis situation with high perceived risks and threats, non-holistic (or dynamic) approach should be employed.‎ Since, in the process of handling a crisis situation there is always a probability that the course of events changes direction and magnitude. Thus, a static predetermined set of rules may prove irrelevant to the new condition.

Relying on past studies that typically examine "static" situations, may end up to erroneous outcomes; especially when “policy alternatives and ‎decision criteria are simultaneously introduced into the decision matrix.”[12] However, foreign policy crises ‎are very often characterized by a different decision structure: an evolving choice set in which ‎policy options emerge during the process.‎ In other words, a dynamic approach to the decision leads to the cross-examination of each alternative in the course of the development of a crisis situation.

Dynamic Political Ideology

Some analysts have tried to study the functional and practical aspects of ideology and culture in the field of political science. They distinguished between dynamic and static character of these two major components in political realm. In their static conditions, political ideologies and political cultures are simply two variables to be considered in political inquiries. But, when they are put into motion they can produce significant results for the society. Since, they ‎shape the way a nation thinks and, accordingly, acts. It is generally believed that “Political Ideology is dynamic and ‎political culture is static.”[13]

Political ideology relates to a certain set of ideals or principles dealing with a nation, or even a group, ‎that explains how society should work.[14] A political ideology largely concerns itself with how to ‎allocate power and to what ends it should be used. It is often seen as the background of a ‎political party and their policy. On the other hand, political culture, in simple terms, is what most citizens expect ‎from their government.[15]

Political culture is usually determined by the government, which is why it is ‎considered static; however, political ideology is dynamic because it is usually determined by the ‎people.‎[16] In some instances however, the reverse of this proposition may prove true. This may be the case where the state ideology runs against the will of the people and their traditional culture. In this example political ideology promoted by the government becomes static or even retroactive and culture plays a dynamic role in shaping a nation identity and political configuration.

The functional benefit of this distinction lies in the overall influence of these two determinants on state behavior in political realm and people consciousness with respect to their national identity. Most social and political conflicts between people and the ruling system stem from this dichotomy.

Conclusion

Political science is essentially the study of man in isolation and in collectivity. Governments and institutions are just parts of human activities that facilitate orderly interactions in the social environment. To inquire into and understand men’s behavior in their political milieu we have multiple methods, tools and approaches. No unique technique or approach can logically claim to perform this whole task.[17]

A pioneer of modern political science, describing this difficulty, once said "We are limited by the impossibility of experiment. Politics is an observational, not an experimental science."[18] Thus, political scientists have historically focused on political elites, institutions, and individual or group and observed their behavior in order to identify patterns, draw generalizations in order to build theories and models for better explaining the political environment. However, after many centuries of political inquiries we are still far from being able to declare success in our endeavor. There are many reasons to support this argument. Permanent quarrels, conflicts, crises and wars among peoples and nations are good indications for this contention.

In spite of all the difficulties and complexities involved in this field, contemporary political science has developed to a great extent by adopting a variety of methods and theoretical approaches for better explaining and understanding politics. Our purpose in this short paper was to shed light on the dynamic aspect of political inquiry and methodology which in practice provides better ground for devising a policy decision rather than an abstract idea.[19]/

Notes

* Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations at IAU, Science and Research Branch. Faculty of Law and Political Science. Tehran- Iran.

[1] French thinker and philosopher 1798- 1857 founder of sociology and positivism.

[2] Albion W. Small. "Static and Dynamic Sociology." American Journal of Sociology, 1 ‎‎(1895): 195-209.‎This article is a critical review of Lester F. Ward American sociologist 1841-1913.

[3] Ibid

[4] Bertalanffy, Ludwig Von. Perspectives on General System Theory Edited by Edgar Taschdjian. George Braziller, New York. (1974).

[5] System Dynamics was founded in the late 1950s by Jay W. Forrester of the MIT Sloan School of Management.

[6] This passage is taken from : “Systems theory ,” Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

[7] See e.g. C R Kothari, An Introduction to Operational Research, New Delhi, Wikas Publishing House Pvt Ltd. 1983. pp. 116-120. See also: Richard E. Bellman, Dynamic Programming, p.83

[8] Ibid

[9] See Ali Asghar Kazemi, Politimetrics: Quantitative Methods in Politics and International Relations, Tehran: IPIS. 1995. In Persian ‎

[10] I have deliberately simplified the subject of “game theory” here in order to make my point with respect to the dynamic approach to research technique. For further reading see relevant materials on the subject.

[11] Mintz, Alex; Geva, Nehemia; Redd, Steven B.; Carnes, “ The effect of dynamic and static choice sets on political decision making: an analysis ‎using the decision board platform.‎ American Political Science Review ,‎ September 1, 1997‎.

‎

[12] Idem

[13] Political Ideology and Political Culture Uploaded by Nivizzle (54) on May 16, 2007.

This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington ‎Hills, Michigan. ‎ ‎

[14] Ibid

[15] Idem

[16] In some places where the political ideology is dominant and determined by the government, it could become static; and conversely, political culture becomes dynamic.

[17] See e.g. Ali Asghar Kazemi, Method and Insight in Politics, (A Philosophical, Scientific and Methodological Approach) , Tehran: Institute for Political and International Studies(IPIS), 1995. In Persian ‎

See also: Ali Asghar Kazemi, The Seven Pillars of Politics, Tehran: Islamcpo Publishing Co. 2000. In Persian

[18] Lowell, A. Lawrence. 1910. "The Physiology of Politics." American Political Science Review 4: 1-15. Former American Political Science Association President.‎

[19] In the course of writing this paper I have consulted many useful political science handbooks and internet sources, including Wikipedia, for which I have not necessarily given reference. The clever reader can understand the reasons for this deliberate omission that could otherwise need many pages.

Towards "Secular Nationalism" in Iran

2009-11-10T23:06:00.000-08:00

Towards “Secular Nationalism” in Iran

Ali Asghar Kazemi
November 2009
_______________________

While nationalism in the Moslem world is commonly considered as an alien ideology imported from the West, Persian nationalism has been emerged from a religious ground. Shi’ism is an outgrowth of this phenomenon that distinguishes Iranian from other Arab and non-Arab Moslems in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world.

Up until the advent of the Islamic regime in Iran, national consciousness has been with Iranians parallel to their religious traditions. In other words, religious nationalism formed an inherent trait of the Persian identity for a long period of time[1]. This feature helped Iranians to consolidate, fight against their enemies and secure the country from disintegration and collapse. However, this trend has changed its course during the past several years. A new generation of Iranian intellectuals, academics and educated people is gradually moving away from the political Islam and traditional religious values toward a more universal and secular approach to various issues of society and the nation.

The progressive “Green Movement,” that emerged amidst the controversial presidential elections of June 2009, can be considered as the social and political manifestations of this new tendency. Upon a series of bloody clashes with the regime during the post-elections turmoil of June 2009, the movement has turned to radical and secular nationalistic slogans that aim at the very foundation of the religious system.

What is the substance of this new nationalistic awareness? How far this movement is capable to pressure the regime for fundamental changes? What are the implications of changes for the domestic and foreign affairs of the nation?

Islam and Nationalism
Nationalism has essentially a secular nature that originated from European civilizations. When it reached the Middle East it brought some fruits but it did cause serious dislocation to Moslem societies and produced serious challenge to traditional Islam.
With the gradual disappearance of Western colonialism from Asia and Africa, the struggle for self-determination and political independence led the Islamic communities to adopt nationalism as their liberating ideology. Thus, the quest for sovereignty and statehood created a sense of political nationalism that inevitably diverted and diluted the consciousness of belonging to the wider Islamic community (ummat.)

The relationship between nationalism and Islam is not always clear and various writers at different times and occasions have given different thought and explanation to it. As a matter of principle, Islamic doctrine adheres with the idea of “internationalism” and thus, theoretically, it should oppose such ideology. Some Moslem scholars have condemned nationalism as a regressive move to pre-Islamic tribalism.[2] Others have supported nationalism as long as it has its source and driving force in Islam. In some instances, nationalism in Moslem countries has attained the status of sacredness. In this kind of nationalism, protecting the nation from foreign aggression is considered as a “religious duty,” because only in a free and independent nation can there be a “religious self-respect.”[3]

Islam’s internationalism, along with its spiritual and political unity, stem from its pure monotheism. Thus, the kind of nationalism that emerged from secular and material interests is principally repudiated by Islamic doctrine. In this conception, nationalism without religion is inconceivable in Islam, since it is loyalty to the nation whose gate is religion.

Persian Nationalism
As we said previously, Persian nationalism expressed and articulated through the adoption of the Shiite doctrine fundamentally distinguishes Iranian Moslems from the other creeds in the broad spectrum of the religion of Islam. It has served as a strong unifying force against Persian enemies and rivals in the past centuries. But, with the ascendance into power of the clergies after the 1979 revolution in Iran, the political thrust of the religion gradually diminished and people became dismayed of the poor performance of politico-religious institutions.

As regards the evolution of nationalism, Shiite doctrine shall be viewed in two historical periods: before and after the 1979 revolution in Iran. The trend of nationalism in pre-revolution Iran is more or less similar to other movements in the region; in the sense that it was basically guided by a sense of self-determination, sovereignty and independence within the context of secular political system. The impact of Shi’ism has been considerable during the constitutional revolution of 1907. The later development of nationalist sentiment in Iran after World War II was also the product of secular intellectualism, whose effectiveness as a political force was marred by the lack of support from the religious sector.[4]

The Shiite fundamentalism that gradually took over Iran’s revolution of 1979 is considered analogous to the French Jacobin nationalism. In fact, the pattern of interaction and the trend Iran’s revolution resembles in many aspect to the French revolution of 1789. Five distinct phases can be observed in both historic events:1)The collapse of the “ancien regime” ; 2) the rule of the moderates; 3) The ascendency of the extremists; 4) The reign of terror; and finally 5) The “Thermidorian” period.[5]

The nationalist image of Iran’s revolution, manifested in form of the Shiite fundamentalism, bears many signs of the French Jacobin nationalism. In both cases they developed in the midst of foreign war and domestic turmoil. The main characteristics of this development can be observed in the following common features:

First, they became utterly suspicious and fiercely intolerant of domestic dissents. Thus, they made every effort to annihilate any group or faction which appeared to be lacking in faith and loyalty to the homeland “ la patrie” and “Vatan-e- Eslami.” They both fought vigorously any tendency toward partition and provincial autonomy.
Secondly: both revolutions relied heavily on force and militarism to attain their ends. They did not hesitate to use terror and violence to intimidate and cope against domestic dissenters. [6] As to foreign enemies, the whole nation and all the resources were set in motion. The Islamic devotees seeking martyrdom in war against the infidel regime of Baathist Iraq are example of nationalist manifestation under the banner of religion.
Thirdly: both movements have become fanatically religious. Finally, the common characteristics of the two nationalist movements lied upon their excessive missionary zeal. They both used every conceivable means to secure popular conformity.[7] This later trait pushed people away from strict religious norms to more tolerant secular values.

Secular Nationalism
With a view to make the traditional Islam more responsive to the needs of the present modern society, a number of progressive attempts have been initiated by Iranian elites, intellectuals and reformist during the past decade. They were all Moslem zealous who developed and lived within the religious system established after the revolution. Some of them even came from radical students followers of the late founder of the Islamic regime in Iran, who jumped over the walls of the US Embassy in Tehran in 1979 and participated in the hostage taking American diplomats for 444 days.

The coming into power of the hard-line government in 2005 and its reelection in June 2009 was a serious blow to reformist groups’ ideals paving the path for the resurgence of a strong opposition front which later became known as the “Green Movement.” Thereafter, the green color which was merely the identity sign for one candidate became the emblem of a movement which is now standing as a challenging opposition front with new goals confronting the incumbent regime.

Thirty years after the revolution in Iran, people now seem to be changing their views and values in a direction opposite to that pursued and advocated by the Islamic regime. Despite earnest effort by the system to Islamize the nation, people sense of nationalism is being diverted towards secular values more attune with Western liberal democracy. This is indeed a major setback for hardliners who seek to enforce their backward interpretation of Islam for the whole nation. Their main objective is to dominate public and private life of the people.
As we said earlier, the new nationalistic movement in Iran stems from a different environment that is dissimilar from the past. We may attempt to recognize characteristics of the new movement in the following way[8]:

1) It is primarily a reaction against an ideology that has become unbearable for many even among religious figures;
2) It is an antithesis of a political system that came into power in a very particular point of time and circumstances that is no longer responsive to the actual expectations of the people;
3) It is a self-propelled movement with no official platform and has no particular leadership inside or outside Iran;
4) It is a “positive nationalism,” meaning that it is not against the current trend of the international society but it strongly objects the existing domestic divergence from that trend and wants to rehabilitate the true Iranian identity and status in the present world;
5) It is omnipresent and it uses all old patriotic and revolutionary slogans of the past as a tactical challenge against the ruling system;
6) It is a secular, forward-looking and peace-loving movement that denies all sorts of segregation, subjugation, arms races and interventions in the internal affairs of other countries and wants to live in peace with all people and nations.
*

Although the traditional Persian nationalism has a tendency to be dormant in quiet times, the new emerging secular consciousness tends to be dynamic and alert to the critical condition of present Iran. Persian nationalism which, was once associated with religious faith as a driving force in the fulfillment of national and political aspirations, is now awakening in a new environment. They still stem from the same main source that is people with their faith and loyalty. But, it appears that the substance of the devotion is being transformed to secular values.
While Persian nationalism transpired from a religious premise in the past, it is now changing its course to secular values of the modern society. What we are witnessing now in Iran is a profound metamorphosis in people’s expectations and demands. Though the supporters of the “Green Movement” occasional and sporadic manifestation might be perceived as typical urban unrest with low level violence, its persistent dynamism during the past months infers the thrust of a real deep revolution[9]. The ramification of this transformation is not yet quite clear; nonetheless the impact is inevitable for present Iran. [10]/

__________
Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran, Iran. See: www.aakazemi.blogspot.com
* Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.

_Notes
____________
[1] This dates back to about five centuries ago, during the Safavid dynasty when the Persian king (shah) conceived Shiism as Iran's official religion, largely to distinguish themselves from Ottoman Turks and Arabs. Shiism is Iranian or” Iranianized” Islam. Its very existence signifies the irrepressibility of Iranian nationalism. See: Hooshang Amirahmadi, From political Islam to Secular Nationalism Iranian Archives 1995- 2006

[2] This is the view expressed by Muhammad al-Ghazali. Cf. E.I.J. Rosenthal, Islam in the Modern National State, London; Cambridge Univ. Press, 1965. Pp.109-110

[3] See; Richard P. Mitchell, The Society of Muslem Brothers , London; Oxford Univ. Press, 1969 . p. 264.

[4] -Iran’s national Front ( Jebheye Melli) came into existence as a coalition of political groupings revolving around Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh. It began to fragment and ultimately collapsed with the approach of the showdown between the prime minister and the Shah of Iran in 1953.

[5] Cf. Hosein Bashiriyeh, The State and Revolution in Iran 1962-1982 ( Beckenham Kent : Croom Helm, 1984), passim

[6] . The same is true about those who one way or another turned back to the regime, including the entourage of the spiritual leader who accompanied him in his journey from Paris to Tehran. Almost all of them were either executed, jailed, exiled or isolated from political activities.

[7] Cf. Carlton J. H. Hayes, “ Five types of Nationalism,” in Ivo D. Duchacek Conflict and Cooperation Among Nations, New York: Holt,Reinhart and Winston, Inc., 1960, pp. 44-51

[8] I have taken these characteristics from my earlier article “ Rise of New Nationalism in Iran” See: Strategic Discourse, October 2009.

[9] Some people prefer to call the phenomenon a “velvet revolution,” referring to the experience of colored movements in Georgia and Ukraine, but the comparison seems irrelevant in the case of Iran.

10 For more sources on the subject see:
Christoph Marcinkowski "Islam and Nationalism in Iran", Iranian nationalism is to remain a driving force behind Iran’s foreign policy. Security Watch Policy Briefs Special Report, Oct. 2006
- Naser Ghobadzadeh Value Changes in Iran (Second Decade of the Islamic Revolution)
Discourse: An Iranian Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 77-108, Fall 2004
- Jonathan Manthorpe, "The roots of radical Islam Meddling by western powers fueled the radicalization of Middle East", The Vancouver Sun 27 September 2001

Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization

2009-11-01T22:13:00.001-08:00

Iran: Islamization vs. Secularization

Ali Asghar Kazemi

November 2009

__________________

Introduction

The controversial presidential elections of June 2009, which ignited a social crisis in Iran, had a definite impact on the society and truly polarized the nation in two antagonistic camps: pro-government conservative hard-liners on one side and reformist opposition groups on the other. At first the quarrel was limited to the results of the elections which were alleged to be performed with widespread frauds. Ruthless reaction of the government to peaceful manifestations of the unconvinced people pushed the opposition to take a much more radical stand against the whole Islamic regime. This prompted the religious leader to find about the cause and origin of this prolonged crisis which is still threatening the very foundation of the system.

Radical conservatives, while claiming foreign involvement in this turmoil, believe that the Islamization process should continue with much stronger vigor until the nation has converted to zealous followers and supporters of the religious regime. Reformists on the other hand contest that the crisis is a natural response of the people to years of repressive rule, deception and injustice. They express the opinion that as long as the country is under a backward system of government, democratic changes are almost impossible. They believe that Islam has limited capacity for transformation and adaptation to the needs of our time. Therefore, they suggest that secularization is an inevitable and necessary trend of the future of Iran.

Despite earnest attempts of the ruling regime in Iran to impose the strict law of Shari’a, as interpreted by the Shiite doctrine, the result was frustrating. Thus seemingly, the process of Islamization of all vital sectors of the society during the past three decades was quite unsuccessful. We have said that some political elites have singled out Western “social Sciences” taught at the higher education, as the main cause for this failure. Some others are still trying to put the blame on “Western imperialism” and enemies of Islam, who are incessantly conspiring to topple the Islamic regime.

To what extent these arguments hold true in present Iran? What are the main causes of the young generation distancing from Islamic traditional principles and leaning towards secular values? Why those who were brought up in the Islamic environment are now rising up against the ruling system and reject the Islamization process under the guise of what we may label “national secularism”?

Islam as State Religion

Iran is a typical country which after its people accepted Islam in the first century of the Hegra,[1] replaced its former religion and followed the Shiite school. In this respect, some scholars believe that Persians extreme devotion to the Shiite doctrine and its symbol of faith and martyrdom stems from their spiritual and cultural background. They believe that Shiism is an outgrowth of dominant Persian social and political traditions, translated into a more bearable and tolerable doctrine associated with Islam.[2]

The state in its modern sense, is not one of the fundamental elements in the building of Islamic society, but emerges through the institution of Caliphate or Imamate for the protection of Moslem community (Ummat).[3] The word ‘Islam’, commonly used as synonymous to ‘religion’, is a misinterpretation that usually confuses the Western conception of – for example- Christian faith. Rather, Islam is an expression including in its total meaning: religion, politics, economics, society, etc.[4] Therefore, the notion of Church and state separation widely debated in Christianism seems not relevant to the relation between Islam and state. Since, according to the Islamic doctrine, Din (religion) and Dowlat (state) are both expression of Islam.[5]

One of the most important institutions in Islam is the mosque. The mosques in Islam are the focal point and the main place of gathering for both religious and political purposes. They usually supplant traditional forum for modern Western political parties. They are run and maintained ordinarily with private fund and endowment.[6] Before the advent of the Islamic regime in Iran, the power of secular government traditionally stopped at the doorstep of the mosque. Being literally self-sustained and politically independent, the mosques have played an influential role in the social and political business of Moslem countries. The mosques played an undeniable role in bringing down the monarchic regime in Iran. Many governments in the Middle East have always had to deal with the mosques and in order to limit their influence of religious institutions over political business of the states, by devising laws and regulations to control their activities.[7] In present Iran, the mosques are managed and to some extent funded by the state. In other words, the state has the absolute prerogative to appoint the religious authority of each mosque and supervise his activities. This means that they are no longer independent institutions and consequently cannot deviate from policies and guiding principles of the ruling system. This issue has been one of the major arguments of the opposition groups as well as independent clergies who believe that the state should not meddle in the business of local mosques.

Impact of Modernism on the Moslem World

The trend toward secularization in the Moslem world in the last hundred years has meant a decline in the overt influence of religious ideas and organization upon social and political life.[8] As we said earlier, unlike other religions, Islam is not merely a religion; it is a culture, a polity, a legal system and a whole range of social institutions. In consequence, the Islamic Shari’a is not only a constitutional system but also an ideal of conduct and behavior as well as legal code dealing with every-day life.[9]

Not until late nineteenth century the conservative Islam of the time realized its painful dislocation caused by the technological superiority of Western civilization, but also found itself invaded by Christian missionaries which paved the way for colonialism.[10]The once great civilizations of the Middle East, which under Islam had experienced a long period of conflict, hostility and socio-economic stagnation, suddenly realized that they were far behind European states. In fact, for centuries they had looked backward to nourish from the greatness of their civilization and their memory, while Europe had gone into various stages of industrial and social revolution. Progressive Moslems, in contact with the West, felt this backwardness deep in their minds and their souls. Thenceforth, religion was perceived the major stumbling block and thus the demand for change through secularization of states political system spread all over the Moslem world.

Moslems had to choose between two courses of action: either to go along with the strict dictate of religion (the medieval synthesis); or to face the realities of the modern world.[11]The choice proved to be a difficult one and no consensus to this time seems to be established. Practically, some Moslems tried to adopt an almost alien concept of faith, applying a little Protestant- style reformism to their creed. Others opted for secularism and still another group adhered to fundamentalism which preaches Islamic Shari’a’ as a political ideology.[12]

During the nineteenth century, modernist movements developed in the Moslem milieu of Egypt and Indian Subcontinent to interpret the Qur’an and Tradition so as to bring practice in Islam into general conformity with certain aspects of Western thinking of those days.[13]Despite some independent attempts by certain Moslem scholars to show the necessity of the separation of the spiritual and temporal powers in Islam, the reform did not go far before it was resisted by a fundamentalist group called Moslem Brotherhood. Neither the socialist movement of Jamal Abd-al-Naser nor the subsequent moves toward left and right, proved to be effective in establishing a secularized democratic state. Egyptian Islam today is characterized as apologetic and political and all reformers have reacted in these two directions.[14] In other Moslem countries such as Iran, the trend was somehow different in form and in substance.

Trend to Secularism in Modern Iran

Attempts at secularization of political power in the Moslem world of the twentieth century, begun with Kamalism movement in Turkey. Kamal Ataturk, the Turkish officer who overthrew the old Turkish monarchy after World War I, is the first to challenge the influence of religion (Islam) in Turkish politics. He deposed the religious elements in Turkish political instructions and substituted them by secularized ones.[15]He removed the veil from Turkish women, as a symbol of their emancipation in social life and instituted land reforms and social-bureaucratic reorganization.[16]

In Iran, Reza Shah the founder of the Pahlavi Dynasty, made similar attempt around the same period .The ruler displayed implacable hostility to the tight grip of Moslem clergy over many aspects of public life, including education and justice, and took steps to break their power and prestige.[17]

As a consequence, the clergy lost direct control of much of its vast trust funds and religious laws gave way to civil and criminal codes. Licenses were required for the wearing of clerical garb. Traditional religious teaching gave way to state schools and a host of other changes, which restricted religious section to meddle in the political life, were instituted by the ruler. The object of these transformations was not religion per se, since Reza Shah was believed to be a faithful Moslem. Rather, it was perceived that for revitalizing Iran’s social structure, religious precepts hindering the development process had to give way to a secular system.

The secularization process in Iran somehow meant Westernization of all aspects of life including for example compulsory Western clothes, replacing many different tribal, regional and traditional costumes.[18]The attempt, which was later, pursued by his son Mohammad Reza Shah, failed to produce the desired effect. What it did, however, was the deepening of hatred and grudge of the clergy class and their followers. The hatred later mounted into what is now known as Islamic Revolution, which caused the fall of the Iranian monarchy in 1979.

Before the revolution, the secularist trends in Iran were growing in the sense that the political leadership of the Islamic clergy and their traditional influence on the educational system reduced. The secularization, however, did not mean “anti-religiousness but rather a-religiousness.”[19] Some groups and individuals have made attempts, though not on a systematic basis, to purify or “regenerate” Islam, but they have not gone too far.[20] During this period, religion was not so much frontally challenged as a system of beliefs by the political elites, as it was peripherally ignored. Where religion was accorded deference by the ruling system, it was often as a political force.[21]

The Islamic regime put all its efforts to reverse the secularization process in Iran by force and unprecedented vigor. However, it seems the more the state pushed for Islamization of the nation, the more people distanced from the official creeds and restrictive principles of the religious system. The post- presidential elections crisis was a symptom of people discontent about the political trend. Despite all the impediments on the way of the reformist movement, it seems to pursue with vigor its secular objectives and demands. The “Green Movement” is now in a face to face encounter with the Islamic regime and poses a real threat for the incumbent government. But, its success depends on a number of factors which seem very difficult to achieve in present time.

Conclusions

The process of secularization in the Islamic World in general and in Iran in particular, did not follow a unique and concrete identifiable pattern; rather it was disparate and in some cases blurred by other aspects of political life. However, from recent development, it is safe to say that the conflict between the “mosque” and the “palace” is gradually rising to a critical point. Some countries have already attempted to align their political apparatus and socio-economic system with the growing exigencies of Islamic doctrine, but the process has proved to be a difficult one and in some instances painful.

In Iran, while the Islamization process in post-revolution failed to generate the expected outcome for the Islamic regime and in some instances counter produced, the secularization was not quite successful either. The reason is believed to be the substance of traditional culture and mores in the society. Average Iranians are by nature spiritual and fatalistic. The new generation and educated people are very much eager and enthusiastic to adhere to many values and norms of democracy. Concepts such as independence, freedom, social justice, human rights and other attributes of Western style polity are much cherished by people, but they are not yet prepared to accept their rudiments. The shadow of deep-rooted of authoritarian culture is still present in today Iran. For example, tolerance as the most basic requisites of democratic process is almost absent in personal and collective interactions. The problem is more or less the same in Moslem countries of the Middle East.

In sum, the idea of secularism, though still very much cherished by liberal and intellectual Moslem, seems to have little appeal among traditional layers of developing Moslem societies. In some places, secularism is considered as the residue of Western influence and imperialism; thus, a return to religious ideas is perceived synonymous to anti-imperialistic movement. In other cases, religion is gaining momentum very dangerously as an ideological drive to face the ever growing danger of globalization.

Iranians seem now to be more and more leaning toward a “new nationalism” as an alternative expression of their secular objectives. This could be arbitrarily labeled as “National Secularism,” which is indeed a clever way to express opposition against the present religious system and to circumvent harsh reaction of conservative hardliners.

We shall further elaborate on this dimension in our future comments. /

__________

Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran, Iran. See: www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

* Students, researchers, academic institutions, media or any party interested in using all or parts of this article are welcomed to do so with the condition of giving full attribution to the author and Strategic Discourse. ©All Copy Rights Reserved.

[1]. Hegra or Hegira is the year of migration of the Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in A. D. 622, according to most account on September 20. This is the milestone of Moslem calendar dates counted on lunar or solar system.

[2]. CF. Morteza Motahari, Mutual Services of Islam and Iran [in Persian] (Ghom, Iran: Sadra Publishers, 1980), p. 122.

[3].It is argued that the Prophet founded a religion and a state at the same time, but his main goal was that of religion and the founding of the state was only secondary. CF. Ibid. p. 8.

[4].CF.Richard p. Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers, (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 243.

[5].Sayyed Qutb. Quoted in Idem.

[6].The main institution providing financial support to Mosque is wagf which confers the right to use the fruits and return of property without transferring ownership. The wagf is extended to all kinds of voluntary charitable purpose of the Moslem community.

[7].Government control over mosques activities has been mostly performed through financial and administrative regularizations regarding wagf institution and other assets of the mosques.

[8].CF. Morroe Berger. Islam in Egypt Today: Social and Political Aspects of Popular Religion, (London: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 2-9.

[9].Ibid.p.3.

[10].Cf. Religion in the Middle East, op. cit. pp. 26-7.

[11].CF. e.g. Daniel Pipes, In the Path of God: Islam and Political Power, (New York: Harper and Row, 1984), passim.

[12].Moslem Brotherhood founded by the Egyptian scholar Hassan Al-Banna was an outgrowth of the Islamic movement which insisted on a return to the Qur’an and the Tradition (Sunna) of the Prophet. Similar fundamentalist movements emerged in Iran Fadaiyan-e-Islam, Pakistan Jamaat-e –Islami. Though founded on different grounds, their objectives were more or less the same asserting political role of Islam in the daily business of state and social life.

[13].The initial inspiration of the Egyptian movement stemmed from the ideal of Pan-Islamism of Sayyed Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (Assad Abadi, the Iranian version) 1839-1897 who preached for the union of all Moslem states into a great empire. Interestingly this ideal was seized by the opportunist and reactionary Turkish Sultan Abdul-Hamid, who in fear of the overthrow of the Ottoman dynasty, laid emphasis on the Ottoman claim to legitimate succession of the early Caliphs of Islam. See: Religion in the Middle East, Ibid. p. 28.

[14]. CF. Jacques Jomier, “Islam in Egypt”, in Ibid. pp. 31-47 at 47.

[15].On 1 November 1922 the Turkish National Assembly stripped the last Ottoman Sultan of his power and proclaimed itself the sovereign authority. It permitted the existence of a Caliphate divorced from the Sultanate. But when Mustafa Kemal came to power eliminated the Ottoman Caliphate for good by a decree of 3 March 1924.

[16].See e.g. Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey. (London: Oxford University Press, 1961).

[17].See e.g. Donald N. Wilber, Iran: Past and Present, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975), pp. 125-129.

[18].Ibid. p. 128.

[19].See. Marvin Zonis, The Political Elite of Iran, (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1971), p. 148.

[20].Ahmad Kasravi, a controversial Iranian scholar, and his followers endeavored to render Islamic teaching meaningful for our times but he ended up giving his life on the matter. He was assassinated by a Moslem fanatic belonging to an underground group called Fadaiyan Islam (Devotees of Islam), CF. Ibid. pp. 148-149.

[21].CF. Ibid. p. 149.

Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences

2009-10-24T20:58:00.001-07:00

Iran, Islam, and Secular Social Sciences

Ali Asghar Kazemi

October 2009

_________________

Introduction

In our previous commentary on the problem of Iran’s recent social turmoil after the presidential elections of June 12, 2009, we alluded to the issue of “Social Sciences” that has caused widespread alarm among conservative hard-liners.

In that article the emphasis was made essentially on the question of religion in general and Islam in particular as an ideological dynamic, influencing the function of society in the domain of human actions and interactions. It was argued that religion has to do with human mind, ideas, the belief system, values, attitudes, and behavior. While politics as an interdisciplinary branch of social sciences, deals essentially with the pursuit of power and to some extent the distribution of values in society. Thus, the marriage of the two may inhibit man from his choice between the rational and the spiritual. This is indeed a major dilemma on the way of an ordinary citizen who wants to remain aloof of the impact of official creeds, unless he lets himself dragged by the formalistic rituals of the dominant religion.

Secular Approach to Social Sciences

As we know, social sciences are not “science” as we understand in the field of hard or pure sciences, such as physics, chemistry, astronomy etc. They form a body of knowledge accumulated during times from the antiquity to the present that comprises everything that relate to the study of human beings in their individual and collective interaction. This even encompass the subject of religion in its entirety as well as philosophy, history, psychology, sociology, economics, politics and the likes, that in one way or the other entail man’s life in his natural and artificial environments.

Once our knowledge of the spiritual and material world was limited to a range of dogma inherited from holly books as well as classical philosophers and scientists’ traditions. Some of these were later endorsed by the Christian church through sanctifying Aristotelian teachings which had to be accepted blindfolded and no one was permitted to pose question on their truth. Renaissance changed the methodical knowledge of the world by scientific inquiry and the domain of metaphysics became restricted to the inner-self in the Christian world. Amazing discoveries, inventions and innovations in all fields of sciences are the propitious outcomes of this period.

Of course, the Christian world had to pay dreadful price for this transition. Beside the horrifying experience of persecution and harassment of scientists and intellectuals, protracted wars among sects and nations ended up with some sort of balance between the Church and the State or the temporal and spiritual powers. The hundred years war of fifteenth century resulted continuous conflicts over the distribution of power between religious and temporal sectors, church and the state or popes and the kings. In the seventeenth century the same issues provoked the thirty years war. The resurgence of secularism replaced the medieval theocratic paradigm and ushered the age of enlightenment.

Religion and Secular Conception of Power

The secular consideration of power began its reappearance with Machiavelli’s doctrine of pragmatism in political theory. The basis of this doctrine was to answer the question of what needs to be done by a ruler to remain in power. That is to say that the necessity of political life often required the breaking of moral law. [1]Machiavelli’s princes, unlike Plato’s philosopher-kings, ruled because they were shrewd in manipulating power. Thus, power became devoid of virtue. For Machiavelli, good and evil were traits of all human beings and a successful ruler had to be “part lion and part fox.” [2]

Bertrand Russell wrote that faith, ideology and religion as a whole are undisputed elements in forming the power of a state.[3] Indeed ideas influence the development and use of command over power and violence. In cases were nations are not fully developed from a political-democratic standpoint and party politics as well as other social institutions lack the necessary appeal to unite people in the pursuit of their objectives , religion can fill the gaps. Translated into ideology when put into motion, religion may assume a determinant role in a society, provided it is properly used.[4] It can also weaken a state, and deteriorate its internal and external relations if its potential power is not directed toward constructive path and is used in the pursuit of evil objectives.

Secularism in the Christian World

In the turn of twentieth century it was the general feeling of most learned social scientists that everywhere in the world, religion was in the decline. The argument stemmed from the fact that religion was “opposed by powerful forces.”[5]Some even argued that religion was under the most serious threat that it had ever been in the past centuries.[6] The magnitude of the threat was even compared to the advent of Reformation in Europe but the change was characterized as an anti-religious trend rather than a crisis within the sphere of religion.

Humanism, which was commonly an alternative to theism, developed in Europe chiefly from a belief in the science and an exaggeration of human power and freedom. It was an intellectual movement that opposed the “religious institution.” In the nineteenth century the reaction to religious norms and institution was negative and the emerging idea antagonistic.

The main trend away from religion during the past centuries is considered as the growing sense of secularism[7]which Christianism had put in the doctrinal concept of church and state separation. This was probably an inevitable and necessary complement of the processes of social and political adjustment after the scientific discoveries and revolution in the field of industry and technology.

An immediate consequence of the industrial development was the emergence of a new social class called urban industrial proletariat, which led to the rise of socialism and Marxism as an ideological means for social adjustment. Among these latter ideologies, some did not negate religion and were ready to coexist and cooperate with it and others, which were antagonistic to any religious institutions. Marxism-Communism and its derivatives are examples of the latter type.

Secularism requires that all matters pertaining to man-to-man relationship be determined by representatives of the people, while relationship between men and God be determined by religion.[8] This position, however, was not endorsed by those who believed that all aspects of life without exception be governed by religious principles formulated many centuries ago and whose interpretation is solely in the hands of the ruling clergies.

The issue of secular state as opposed to a state governed by religious principles has become a fundamental problem of many traditional countries with diverse ethnic and religious background. Religion, in fact, serves both as a divisive and uniting factor in various countries. Practice of secularism also is not easy in territories of multiple religions such as e.g. India. This country has been subject to territorial partition and numerous turmoil because of religion. The peculiar aspect of Indian secularism is that religion and politics get mixed up taking advantage of the democratic system, while the evolution of a common civil law is blocked in the name of minorities’ right in a secular state.[9]

Islam and Secularism

The Islamic conception of religion and its evolution rests upon principles different from Christianity as regards social, economic, legal, political and the way of life in general. Hence a comparative study on the impact and influence of religion in social and political affairs may be obscured by the fact that for example, Christianity and Islam are evolved from and founded upon different conception of religion. Thus a discussion on the subject of secularization of political power can naturally not be based on similar sets of assumption and elements contributing to it. The Islamic conception of religion is more or less what religion has been through most of the course of human history.[10] The secularization process in the Islamic world, thus, shall be viewed and judged against its own distinct evolution.

In this sense, secularization is defined as the process by which political and social activities, explicitly controlled by the religious institution, come under the power of non-religious or temporal body. The definition, however, does not explain the whole conception as interpreted in Christianism and Islam, two major monotheist religions of the world.

It has been suggested that, for example, secularization in the Middle East has had the effect of substituting the European conception of religion by the Islamic doctrine.[11] There may have been such understanding in times among Moslem scholars, but this does not seem to be representative of a general belief. This was the fact and apprehension of a minority fundamentalist Moslems who opposed to that conception and nowadays seems to reemerge throughout the region.

Conclusions

While secularism is considered as the main characteristic of Western conception of religion, in the world of Islam no elaborate and widely endorsed philosophical expression of the subject can be found. Thus, various attempts by rulers or intellectuals to establish a secular system of government, political institution and social tradition in predominantly Islamic nations have not proved to be fruitful and practically possible. Kamalism movement in Turkey, Nasserism in Egypt, Pahlavism in Iran and other cases are typical example of such failure, which in the long run worked even against the very viability of the political system. In most cases cited above, the trend was not merely a process of secularization but it was viewed by conservatives as an all-out offensive against the religious institutions which otherwise meant an anti-religion movement. This has given rise to some misunderstandings that still persist in our own country and elsewhere in the region. Islamic fundamentalism is a direct consequence of this misapprehension.

The contrast between the secularization attempts and processes, particularity in the Christian world and Islamic community will be further discussed in our future commentaries. [12]

Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran, Iran. See: www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

Notes

[1] . See e.g. David E. Apter, Introduction to Political Analysis. (Prentice Hall of India, New Delhi, 1981, p.77.

[2] .see: Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavellism. (New Haven: Yale University press. 1962), Quoted in David E Apter, Ibid.P.78.

[3].CF. Bertrand Russell, Power, A New Social Analysis, (New York: Norton, 1938), PP.145-156.

[4]. This is especially true in the case of the Third world states where political parties as key organizations for uniting people of different and rather immature opinion can not perform social and political results. A party, said, Edmund Burke, is a group of men united to promote, the common good in accordance with a principle upon which they are agreed. In the Third World the most widely accepted principles belong to religious teachings.

[5] .CF. Montgomery Watt, “Religion and Anti-Religion”, in: A.J.Arberry ed. Religion in the Middle East, (London: Cambridge University Press .1969), vol. 2. PP.605-639 at 605.

[6]. Idem.

[7].The process of secularization is sometimes distinguished from the idea of secularism, which is defined as an attitude of mind or set of beliefs with its focus in the assertion that there is nothing beyond this world. In this respect scientific materialism, humanism, naturalism and positivism are all considered forms of secularism. See Ibid. 609-610.

[8] .K. Subramanyam, “Norms and Interests,” in Strategic Analysis, Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis, New Delhi, February, 1985.p.1035.

[9] .Idem.

[10]. CF. Montgomery Watt, Religion and Anti -Religion. Op. cit. p. 609; see also: Hamilton A.R. Gibb. Religion and politics in Christianism and Islam. (Persian translation) passim; Modern Trend in Islam. (Chicago:1947)

[11].CF.Ibid.p.609.

[12].see my earlier writings on the subject in: Ali Asghar Kazemi, Religion and Politics... Monograph, Tehran 1985.

2009-10-18T23:26:00.001-07:00

Iran: Roots of the Post-Elections Crisis

Ali Asghar Kazemi

October 2009

_____________

“A new world society is gradually emerging.

It is growing quietly, imperceptibly in the minds

and hearts of men. The tumult and the excitement,

the anger and the violence, the perplexity of spirit

and the ambiguities of expressing are the pangs of

the birth of something new. We of this generation

are called upon to work for this new order with all

the strength and capacity for suffering we possess.

S. Radhakrishnan[1]

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Introduction

Thirty years after the advent of the revolution, that brought an Islamic regime in Iran, religious leaders are still looking for ways and means to transform the society into a rigid bloc of faithful and zealous citizens who fully submit to the official principles and precepts put forward by them. While during the past three decades every effort has been made to disseminate religious teachings at all levels of public education, from the kindergartens to the universities, seemingly the result has been frustrating.

The post-presidential elections public turmoil, that brought the country to the brink of a real social revolution, was another vivid indication that the whole scheme of “Islamization” of the society was an ineffective and futile social investment. Since, the effort merely counter-produced and youngsters who were brought up with Islamic rigorous teachings after the revolution simply did not show interest to them and much less to obey them blindfolded. Indeed, this phenomenon should not surprise anybody who has a little familiarity with the very rudimentary concepts of the philosophy of education and social sciences.

Misconception about Social Sciences

With a view to cure this incongruity, the Islamic system recently came to the conclusion that the problem emanate from the dominance of the Western “social sciences” books and materials taught by Western educated and/or oriented teachers and professors in the higher education structure. To that end, a new round of purge has been initiated at different levels of educational institutions and expert committees are being set up once again to remedy the problem once for all!

How far this conclusion about Western “social science” is logical? Can the Islamic regime succeed in its new effort to eradicate the roots of restlessness among students and educated people against the system by simply changing the contents of textbooks? Where should we look for proper answer to the problem?

Problem of Religion and Politics[2]

From the beginning of human history, man has been guided by two strands inextricably woven in his very nature, the rational and the spiritual. These forces have influenced human destiny in varied patterns and in different periods when one or the other may have been more prominent.[3] Religion has been the great force for the disciplining of man’s nature, though it has also worked against his fate by denying the domain of reason.[4]

Religion has to do with human mind, ideas, the belief system, values, attitudes and behavior. Politics as an interdisciplinary branch of social sciences, deals essentially with the pursuit of power through “the art of influencing, manipulating, or controlling [groups] so as to advance the purposes of some against the opposition of others”[5] The struggle over conflicting ideas, values and interests directed by religious beliefs have existed throughout history. Great religions such as Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity and last but not least Islam have at one time or other claimed to have answers for all problems of the society. But, history bears good witness that almost in all cases, religion married to temporal power, became imbued with a formalism which deprived it of its moral and spiritual values.[6]

Some religions such as Hinduism and Buddhism have sought to base their beliefs on tangible elements and hold that the two sides of human nature, the rational and the spiritual, should work together.[7] Western religions have been long engaged in the struggle to come to term with the spirit of reason.[8] In later periods, scientific developments overshadowed faith in traditional beliefs. The process led to the intellectual questioning of the metaphysical view of the world and the revival of animistic science in the period of Renaissance.

Since the Renaissance two divergent lines of thought have prevailed in the philosophical perspective. One deeply committed to the notion that the real world is external to the observer, and the other, that belonged to cultures which escaped the early impact of Newtonian thinking retained the view that the real world is completely internal to the observer.[9]

Where to put the blame?

When Socrates was executed for religious heresy, it was not merely an act of religious fanaticism, such as later became common, but rather a serious response of society to subversion. The early Christianity was attacked by the Roman government not only out of religious exclusivism in modern sense but because it was seen as revolutionary and subversive, a threat to the organization of society. The Christians incurred the supposed guilt of an unnatural and unpardonable offense. They dissolved the sacred ties of custom and education and violated the religious institution of their realm.[10]

Once it was believed that only religious and metaphysical limitations could restrain rulers and power-holders from committing acts of violence and suppression. This may still prove a valid argument, only if we can make a definite distinction between religious ideology and the actual process of politics. But when the frontiers between the two realms fades away and one identifies its very existence with the other, then, the moral and metaphysical constrains to power-holders become irrelevant. In such circumstances, religion fails to its duty. With the alienation of power-blinded men from moral restraints, aggressive behavior and suicidal tendencies occur.[11]

In today’s world, where hope and peril run side by side, among great and vital issues of our time are those which involved the suppression of the evil which drive societies toward wars, hostilities and terrorism. How then the whirlwind of revolutionary social forces can be directed towards a safe and constructive path?

Considering the fact that constitutional foundation of world order and international law have proven inefficacious for the maintenance of peace and assurance of democratic process, the problems remain to be tackled with in future are the minimum moral and spiritual requirements in order to preserve peace, security and human dignity in a tormented world.

In the absence of a superior authority over and above nation-states, claiming sovereignty and political independence, power with legitimacy is the necessary instrument of governments. Without these latter, political order could neither be established nor maintained and guard society against anarchy. Power without legitimacy spawns tyranny and violence, corrupts the mighty and crushes freedom.[12]

In a general sense, individual quest for power has the effect of leading a ruler to act against the will of the people.[13] But when religion becomes politicized and gets involved in the competition for power, it has the effect of encouraging its followers to act against the accepted norms of civilized nations. As a result, domestic power struggles spill over into the international system. The immediate implication of such behavior is to impose its will and ideology on another state(s).

Religion can help people to establish harmony in their souls, to illuminate human spirit, and to liberate nations from despotism and tyranny. But surely it cannot supplant politics, in the sense it is understood in our contemporary world system, dominated by sovereign nation- states, national interests and competition for power. Religion, says Radhakrishnan, “is the direct apprehension of the Supreme. It is in the attaining of a state of illumination. While the reality is omnipresent, human being is able to apprehend it directly in his own inmost being.”[14] When statesmen attempt to measure -or make semblance to do- political events and social phenomena of the real world by religious standards, they are merely submerged in their illusion.

Future of Religions

Religious belief and faith of any kind have always posed dilemma for humanity. Like a two-edged sword, religion has been hard for men to live without, and almost equally hard to coexist with. Just the same, when man is passionately submerged in his religious obsessions, he is tempted to preach it to others. If they prove deaf to his preaching, he is often tempted to impose it by fire and sword. [15]

Religious wars of the past are now over, but the legacy of intolerance, persecution and slaughtering of man by man on ideological and religious grounds is still with mankind. Religion has become scapegoat for obstipated “old leaders clinging too long to power in a world they no longer understand,”[16] and for power hungry younger generation deeply indoctrinated in myths and delusions. The world no longer represents the long cherished compassionate and fraternal ideals of Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism, etc.

Encountering realities of this tormented world is a difficult task of the new leaders of our time who are not trained to overcome the lust of power. Religion has the potential ability to free politicians from the evil forces that enslave their spirit. But politics cannot help an obstinate religious to straighten his conduct or to regain his purity. No institutional or legal patterns, no revolutionary theologies, and no chastisement of the other world can make a society to become a safe place to live, unless the people set out to rid of spiritual poverty. In this respect, it is rightly argued that “the quality of our life is the evidence of our religion.” [17] Indeed, religion in this context is not incompatible with politics, neither is it in competition with it in the pursuit of secular power, but it is its mentor.

Religions will lose their redemptive power, if societies are not prepared to accept their human and spiritual principles. People need not to adore saints and their illusions; they have to seek redemption through faith and reason which lead to the path of salvation.

Conclusions

From the dawn of human history to our present time, prophets, philosophers, thinkers, academics and social scientists, disregard of their native origins and beliefs, have helped men to understand their social environment and to overcome the evil of tyranny and despotism in their communities. They should be respected and be given credits for their achievements. Western social and political sciences are not in dissonance with the essence of religions and spiritual needs of human beings. On the contrary, they teach us how to comprehend and deal with evil propensity of political leaders who use religious principles to promote their power and greed despite the will of the people. /

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Ali Asghar Kazemi is professor of Law and International Relations in Tehran, Iran. See: www.aakazemi.blogspot.com

[1] Religion in a Changing World, (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd, 1967) p. 15.

[2] Parts of this article are readapted here from my earlier writings in : Ali Asghar Kazemi, Religion and Politics …, Monograph , Tehran, 1985.

[3]. CF. S. Radhakrishnan, Religion in a Changing World (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd. 1967), p. 18.

[4]. Ibid. p.9.

[5] Quincy Wright, The Study of International Relations, ( New York: Appleton Century Crofts, 1965), p.130

[6]. CF. Jacques Pirenne, Tides of History, op. cit. p. 407.

[7]. Ibid. p. 34.

[8]. Ibid. p. 35.

[9]. Henry Kissinger, American Foreign Policy (New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Inc. 1974), p.48.

[10]. CF. Edward Gibbon, the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, I, (New York: Modern Library), p. 448.

[11]. CF. R. Strausz- Hupe and Stefan T. Possony, International Religions (New York, 1954) p. 11. Quoted in Robert L. Pfaltzgraff and James E. Dougherty, Contending Theories of International Relations ( New York : J. b. Lippincott Co. , 1971 ) p. 91..

[12]. Robert Strausz-Huoe, Power and Community (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1956), p.3.

[13]. This is for example the case of Iran in the pre-revolution period as well as during the past years when the essence of religion gradually changed in the pursuit of political power.

[14]. Religion in a Changing World, op. cit. p. 102.

[15].CF. Charles Yost, The Insecurity of Nations- International Relations of the Twentieth Century, op. cit., p. 212.

[16]. Idem.

[17]. Ibid. p. 110.